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- Johansson, Börje, et al.
(författare)
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Technical Change, Location and Trade
- 1987
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Ingår i: Papers in regional science (Print). - Umeå : Umeå universitet. - 1056-8190 .- 1435-5957. ; 62:1, s. 13-35
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The difference between the slow adjustment of localized resources and the faster processes of technical change and product renewal cause a relocation pressure on existing production. Introduction of new products, techniques and establishments is stimulated by opportunities to attain temporary monopoly profits and is restrained by sunk costs in older vintages and competition for local resources. Introduction is more frequent in nodes with a rich and varied importstructure. The process can be modelledas a chain of import, production and export cycles with relocation. Conditions for introduction and change of location are analysed by means of a spatial vintage model.
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| 4. |
- Axelsson, Karin
(författare)
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Eating problems and nutritional status after stroke
- 1988
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Eating problems and nutritional status were studied in a consecutive series of 104 stroke patients admitted to emergency hospital care. During their stay in hospital eating problems were observed in 46 patients. Certain common types of eating problems were identified: aberrant eating behaviour as regards chewing,lokalization or swallowing, eating small amounts, hoarding of food in the mouth, leakage of food from the mouth and unawareness of eating problems. Poor nutritional status occurred in 16 % of the patients on admission and in 22 % on discharge from the stroke unit.A subgroup of 32 patients hospitalized for 21 days or longer was studied for three weeks. On at least one occasion during these three weeks a poor nutritional status was observed in 18 patients, of whom 17 had eating problems.All subjects who had eating problems during their hospital stay, plus those patients without eating problems but with neurological deficits and those living in a nursing home one year after the stroke (n=36) were selected for a longitudinal study 18 months after the onset of stroke. Eating problems were identified in 23 of these patients during their hospital stay while 21 had such problems when they were followed up.Two patients who could not eat due to severe dysphagia (after a stroke) for three years and 18 months respectively, were successfully trained to eat normally. One patient exhibited impaired oral and hypopharyngeal function and the other impaired hypo- pharyngeal function and a spastic crico-pharyngeal muscle. In both patients training in swallowing was the main remedical measure and one of them also had a myotomy of the spastic muscle.
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| 7. |
- Edlund, Ann-Catrine, 1959-
(författare)
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Sjökatt och svarttjäder : Studier över säljägares noaord för säl inom det bottniska området och Östersjöområdet.
- 1989
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This essay is a study of seal-hunters' terms for the seal in the area around the Gulf of Bothnia and around the Baltic Sea. The purpose is to investigate whether there are noa words present among the seal-hunters' many words for the seal. The basic material consists of approximately 200 different terms for seal, collected from the Swedish-speaking areas around the Baltic Sea and the Gulf of Bothnia, areas where the seal has been hunted well into the 20th century. These terms have been collected partly from archives and partly from published litterature. From this basic material some twenty or so words have been extracted, which regarding meaning or origin, contain features that are characteristic for noa words in general. Only a few of the terms can with any certainty be said to be noa words. But there are tendencies in the material which point to the existence of linguistic taboos in the world of the seal-hunters. The background to the presence of linguistic taboos, which is very complex, is also discussed here. First and foremost these taboos are based on a faith in the power of the language and the word. There is a fixed relationship between the words and the object/s that they represent and consequently the language acquires the power of invocation. Tabooing should also be seen as one precautionary measure among the many which the seal-hunters were fored to take during the dangerous hunt. Furthermore, the seal-hunters had two different occupations in two completely separate physical environments: they were farmers on land and seal-hunters at sea. The purpose of linguistic tabooing then became to separate the two different environments from each other, to mark the invisible border between the living conditions on land and at sea, with the help of language. Finally, the taboos are part of a religious, supernatural context. In folk belief seals have been seen as drowned people. I have here described a legend which is connected with this belief. The legend says that the seals are the soldiers of Pharaoh, who were turned into seals when they drowned in the Red Sea, after pursuing Moses and the children of Israel out of Egypt. A further example of the fact that the seal ha been placed in a supernatural context is that the head of the seal has been seen as carrier of magical power.
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- Edlund, Lars-Erik, 1953-
(författare)
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Studier över nordsvenska ortsboöknamn
- 1985
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis deals with collective nicknames denoting the inhabitants of a place (parish, village etc.) in northern Sweden, i.e. names of the type arnästjuvar (denoting the inhabitants of the parish of Arnäs; tjuv 'thief') and tynderötuppar (denoting the inhabitants of the parish of Tynderö; tupp 'cock'). The main aim of the thesis is to explain why various nickname elements were chosen and to describe the general character of the nicknames of northern Sweden.These nicknames have been used collectively about the inhabitants of a certain place in a jocular or derogatory sense. They have been used above all in male-dominated contexts, e.g. in military camps. The nicknames are ethnocentric: they denote individuals in their capacity as members of a group. They are often related to other, similar names, so that they form series which are connected phonetically, semantically or from the point of view of word formation. The discussion of these aspects is based on Hugo Moser's research on "Namenfelder".Sources from about 1600 to the present day have been used as material. The bulk of the material consists of answers to questionnaires from the 20th century. Because of the construction of the questionnaires the material is to some extent imperfect.The nicknames often reflect various aspects of the society of the individuals, but today the explanation for names is quite often secondary and a result of folk-etymology. Some nicknames reflect the trades of the inhabitants, others social conditions, diet or dress, others ethnic conditions. The nickname strömmingar was often given to people living on the coast where fishing was an important source of income. The nickname element finnar reflects local settlement by Finns. Some nicknames probably reflect various linguistic conditions (dialectal pronunciation, characteristic place-names or personal names), pictures in local seals or historical events.Several nickname elements have been chosen through association with the form of the place-name or the name of the inhabitants, or with existing nicknames, referring either to the inhabitants themselves or their neighbours. There is often a similarity in sound between the place-name (or the name of the inhabitants) and nickname elements. We find e.g. alliteration, assonance and rhyme, or formations in which the place-name (or the name of the inhabitants, or part of it) is compounded with a nickname element to make up an appellative which already exists. The latter kind of formation may be illustrated with the nickname bergtroll ('mountain trolls') to denote those who live in S'àvaiberg (in the parish of Sävar). Some nicknames have as their basis an association from the place-name (or the name of the inhabitants) to the nickname element chosen. The associations are frequently difficult to trace. A nickname like orrlidtuppar (denoting those who live in Orrliden in the parish of Skellefteå) was no doubt chosen through association with the appellative orrtupp 'blackcock'. When the nickname smedstaspiken (denoting the inhabitants of Smedsta in the parish of Lit) was coined, the place-name element smed 'smith' was associated with the closely related spik 'nail'.A close analysis of nicknames denoting parish inhabitants in northern Sweden shows that there are often pairs (or series) of nicknames which are related phonetically (through alliteration, assonance or rhyme), semantically or morphologically, just as nicknames denoting neighbours may be connected in a similar way.Frequently, parish inhabitants have different names in relation to different neighbours. How innovations are introduced and spread is shown by the sfw/"/Z?wf-nicknames in the province of Ångermanland. An analysis of the nicknames denoting the inhabitants of parishes in north-eastern Ångermanland shows that the inhabitants of the old parishes have only one nickname each-a name which is known over a large area-while the inhabitants of the newer parishes have several nicknames. The reason why several nicknames are used to denote inhabitants in newer parishes seems to be that there was no old, unequivocal nickname tradition to fall back on.In the final chapter the importance of patterns for the formation of nicknames is stressed, but also the importance of creativity and coinages. A striking coinage has a great chance of becoming generally accepted and also of becoming the centre of new groups of nicknames.
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