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  • Kupisch, Tanja (creator_code:aut_t)
  • Specific and generic subjects in the Italian of German-Italian simultaneous bilinguals and L2 learners
  • 2012
  • record:In_t: Bilingualism: Language and Cognition. - 1366-7289. ; 15:4, s. 736-756
  • swepub:Mat_article_t (swepub:level_refereed_t)abstract
    • This study investigates definite articles in specific and generic subject nominals in Italian spoken by adult simultaneous bilinguals (2L1ers) and second language learners (L2ers). The study focuses on plural and mass DPs, in which German and Italian differ. The aims are to (i) compare acquisition outcomes between the weaker and the stronger language in 2L1 acquisition, (ii) see in a comparison with L2ers whether the phenomenon under investigation, which is typically acquired late (after age 6;0), lacks age of onset effects, and (iii) discuss predictions for the directionality of cross-linguistic influence. Twenty German-Italian 2L1ers and 15 advanced L2ers of Italian with German as their native language were tested in an acceptability judgment task and a truth value judgment task. The results show clear differences between Italian as the weaker and as the stronger language in 2L1 acquisition, and similarities between Italian as L2 and as the weaker language in 2L1 acquisition.
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  • White, Lydia, et al. (creator_code:aut_t)
  • Restrictions on definiteness in second language acquisition : affirmative and negative existentials in the L2 English of Turkish and Russian speakers
  • 2012
  • record:In_t: Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism. - : John Benjamins Publishing Company. - 1879-9264 .- 1879-9272. ; 2:1, s. 54-89
  • swepub:Mat_article_t (swepub:level_refereed_t)abstract
    • Abstract in UndeterminedIn this paper we investigate whether learners of L2 English show knowledge of the Definiteness Effect (Milsark, 1977), which restricts definite expressions from appearing in the existential there-insertion construction. There are cross-linguistic differences in how restrictions on definiteness play out. In English, definite expressions may not occur in either affirmative or negative existentials (e.g. There is a/*the mouse in my soup; There isn’t a/*the mouse in my soup). In Turkish and Russian, affirmative existentials observe a restriction similar to English, whereas negative existentials do not. We report on a series of experiments conducted with learners of English whose L1s are Turkish and Russian, of intermediate and advanced proficiency. Native speakers also took the test in English, Turkish, and Russian. The task involved acceptability judgments. Subjects were presented with short contexts, each followed by a sentence to be judged as natural/unnatural. Test items included affirmative and negative existentials, as well as items testing apparent exceptions to definiteness restrictions. Results show that both intermediate and advanced L2ers respond like English native speakers, crucially rejecting definites in negative existentials. A comparison with the groups taking the test in Russian and Turkish confirms that judgments in the L2 are quite different from the L1, suggesting that transfer cannot provide the explanation for learner success.
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