| 1. |
- Lindholm, Kristina, 1976-, et al.
(author)
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Crisis Communication as a Multilevel Game : The Muhammad Cartoons from a Crisis Diplomacy Perspective
- 2011
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In: The International Journal of Press/Politics. - : Sage Publications. - 1940-1612 .- 1940-1620. ; 16:2, s. 254-271
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The Muhammad cartoon crisis in 2005 provides an illustrative example of how crises travel across geographical boundaries, in this case, from a national newspaper into a full-fledged public diplomacy crisis at the international level. From a crisis management perspective, a multilevel setting poses a real challenge to actors trying to contain the situation at hand. Likewise, the multilevel nature of a crisis poses a challenge to crisis communication theories, which have traditionally focused on rhetorical strategies in single organizational crises. As a response, this article proposes a framework for examining crisis communication based on how actors’ framing impact the perceptions of arenas, stakeholders, and communication strategies.
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| 2. |
- Eriksson, Mats, 1970-, et al.
(author)
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Facebook and Twitter in Crisis Communication : A Comparative Study of Crisis Communication Professionals and Citizens
- 2016
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In: Journal of Contingencies and Crisis Management. - : Wiley-Blackwell. - 0966-0879 .- 1468-5973. ; 24:4, s. 198-208
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This mixed-methods study presents a comparative analysis of the use and perceived usefulness of Facebook and Twitter, among Swedish citizens and crisis communication professionals, as crisis communication tools and information sources. The use and per-ceived usefulness of Facebook and Twitter are not congruent and consistent betweenthe two different groups, according to the overall study. Communication professionals, for example, report higher levels of perceived usefulness regarding Facebook’s potential as a crisis communication tool than do the citizens. Taken together, the results show that researchers (within social media and crisis communication) and crisis managers both need to deal with the fact that social media is not a homogenous phenome non with a single coherent role in crisis management and communication research and practice.
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| 3. |
- Hedström, Jenny, 1979-, et al.
(author)
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Insecurity, Dispossession, Depletion : Women’s Experiences of Post‐War Development in Myanmar
- 2020
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In: European Journal of Development Research. - : Palgrave Macmillan. - 0957-8811 .- 1743-9728. ; 32:2, s. 379-403
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This article explores the gendered dynamics of Myanmar’s post-war economic reforms through an analysis of women’s experiences of development in Kayah (Karenni) state. In Myanmar, ceasefires and a reduction of armed violence combined with state-driven economic liberalization reforms are conditioned by, but also contribute to remake, gendered relations of power, privilege and marginalization. While new land legislation and development projects have contributed to loss of land and livelihoods among rural populations in general, our study demonstrates that women living in conflict-affected border areas are disproportionally affected. Drawing on interviews and participant observation, we show how this is directly related to an overarching gendered politi- cal economy defined by legacies of conflict, discrimination and uneven processes of development, which positions women as particularly vulnerable to new forms of inse- curity, dispossession and depletion generated by post-war economic transformations. We argue that the political and economic legacies of war in the state has produced a gendered division of labor that positions women as responsible for unpaid and under- paid informal and social reproductive labor, weakens women’s access to land, and results in physical, material, and emotional depletion. Through this focus, our study adds to research on development and economic restructuring in post-war contexts in general, and to emergent scholarship on Myanmar’s economic reforms in particular.
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| 4. |
- Hedström, Jenny, 1979-
(author)
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Solidarity in Exile? : The influence of gender politics in the pro-democracy struggle in Myanmar
- 2013
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In: Journeys from exclusion to inclusion. - Stockholm : International IDEA. - 9789186565930 ; , s. 234-265
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Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This case study describes the negotiations and processes undertaken by the women who had the foresight and the courage to establish Myanmar's first multi-ethnic women's movement. In particular, it details the steps and processes undertaken by the founders of the Burmese Women's Union (BWU), resulting in the establishment of an umbrella group, the Women's League of Burma (WLB), under which the women's movement has since been structured.By 1988, dissatisfaction with the military regime had reached a tipping point in the general population, culminating in nationwide demonstrations that were brutally put down by the junta. Following the military crackdown on internal opposition, thousands of Burmese fled to the borders of Myanmar. There, the opposition re-emerged and reformed , primarily on the borders with Thailand. An increasing number of women began to put forward claims for political recognition.The BWU was the first multi-ethnic women's organization to appear on the border. The organization has attempted to promote a collective Burmese identity based on gender rather than on a minority ethnic nationalism. Significantly, the BWU's staff and members include not only women from different minority ethnic groups, but also women who are Burman (Myanmar's majority group) and therefore share the same ethnicity of the military regime.Tensions between Burman and minority groups are high as the military regime promotes a policy of ‘Burmanization’, entailing the oppression of ethnic minority groups and the forced use of the Burmese language, customs and religion. Some even accuse the regime of advocating ethnic cleansing. Despite this, the BWU has, through the consultations and negotiations leading up to the first multi-ethnic women’s movement in contemporary Myanmar’s history, managed to foster a sense of solidarity between women from both Burman and ethnic minority backgrounds, culminating in the establishment of the WLB.
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| 5. |
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| 6. |
- Nilsson, Sofia, 1975-, et al.
(author)
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Moral Stress in International Humanitarian Aid and Rescue Operations : A Grounded Theory Study
- 2011
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In: Ethics and behavior. - : Routledge. - 1050-8422 .- 1532-7019. ; 21:1, s. 49-68
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Humanitarian aid professionals frequently encounter situations in which one is conscious of themorally appropriate action but cannot take it because of institutional obstacles. Dilemmas like this are likely to result in a specific kind of stress reaction at the individual level, labeled as moral stress.In our study, 16 individuals working with international humanitarian aid and rescue operations participatedin semistructured interviews, analyzed in accordance with a grounded theory approach. Atheoretical model of ethical decision making from a moral stress perspective was developed. Thepractical implications of the study are discussed.
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| 7. |
- Olivius, Elisabeth, 1983-, et al.
(author)
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Militarized Nationalism as a Platform for Feminist Mobilization? : The Case of the Exiled Burmese Women’s Movement
- 2019
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In: Women's Studies. - : Elsevier. - 0277-5395 .- 1879-243X. ; 76
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Feminist scholars have convincingly demonstrated how militarism and nationalism rely on the (re)production of gendered hierarchies. As a result, feminism is often assumed to be at odds with these political projects. In this article, we demonstrate that this is not always and not necessarily the case: in contrast, militarized nationalism may even constitute fertile ground for the mobilization of feminist organization and activism. We make this argument drawing on an in-depth case study of the emergence and evolution of an exiled Burmese women's movement from within armed ethno-nationalist struggles in the borderlands of Myanmar. Drawing on interviews with women activists, we examine when and how militarized nationalism can provide a space from which feminist agendas can be articulated and successfully pursued. This case demonstrates that militarized nationalism does not only have the potential to mobilize women's participation, but can provide a platform for feminist organization and activism that transcends, challenges, and eventually reshapes militarized nationalist projects in ways that advance women's rights and equality. These findings call into question generalized assumptions about the conflictual relationship between feminism, militarism and nationalism, and contributes to advance feminist debates about women's mobilization in contexts of armed conflicts and nationalist struggles.
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| 8. |
- Olivius, Elisabeth, 1983-, et al.
(author)
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Young women's leadership in conflict: Crossing borders in Myanmar
- 2020
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In: Young women and leadership. - Abingdon & New York : Routledge. - 9780429261480 - 9780367204358 ; , s. 45-63
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Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Multiple armed conflicts in Myanmar have resulted in long-term, large-scale forced displacement, humanitarian crises, and immense human suffering. However, the borderlands of Myanmar’s neighboring countries have also provided political space for the mobilization of diverse forms of oppositional politics, ranging from armed resistance to human rights documentation, alternative news reporting on the situation in Myanmar, and international networking and lobbying. In particular, since the 1990s these borderlands, most notably the Thai-Myanmar border areas, have seen the emergence of a vibrant and outspoken multi-ethnic women’s movement.In this chapter, we explore how young women activists from Myanmar have been able to carve out new spaces and forms of leadership while in exile in Thailand. From its inception, the border-based women’s movement made leadership training - specifically targeting young women - a key feature. We examine the impact of these training programs in the lives of women activists, and trace how graduates of these programs have moved on to lead in ways that have created social and political change within exiled oppositional politics and diaspora communities in Thailand. We analyze how the recent return of exiled activists and oppositional groups to Myanmar reshapes the conditions for young women’s leadership, presenting formerly exiled activists with new challenges as well as new avenues for leadership.Our analysis illustrates the political potential of border-crossing in several senses. In a spatial sense, we demonstrate how the diasporic, transnational political space in Thailand enabled young women to challenge age and gender norms and hierarchies to a degree previously unimagined, making young women leaders a significant force in Burmese diasporic politics. We note the importance of international advocacy and transnational networking to the growing recognition of young women as effective leaders, understanding this as another form of border-crossing. However, with return to Myanmar the political space for young women’s leadership is (again) reconfigured; accordingly, the effectiveness of leadership strategies and styles established in exile are reconsidered. In a conceptual sense, our analysis illuminates how young women activists have moved across boundaries between public and private leadership and formal and informal leadership. We highlight how the strategic deployment of women’s reproductive duties in the private sphere have created opportunities for women’s participation in the public sphere, for example in refugee camps and ethnic minority armed organizations. In the nationwide ceasefire process, women have combined informal advocacy through “tea break advocacy” (Pepper, 2018) with formal positions as leaders of women’s groups. We argue that in skillfully moving across these conceptual boundaries, young women activists’ affect social and political change. Situating border-crossing as a key feature of young women’s leadership in this context, we thus contribute to theorizing the character and impact of young women’s leadership.
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| 9. |
- Olsson, Eva-Karin, et al.
(author)
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The logic of public organizations' social media use : Towards a theory of `social mediatization´
- 2016
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In: Public Relations Inquiry. - London, United Kingdom : Sage Publications. - 2046-147X .- 2046-1488. ; 5:2, s. 187-204
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The study aims to explore government agencies' social media use. Inspired by the notion of mediatization, we ask whether it is possible to find traces of a corresponding emerging social media logic with the propensity to challenge established organizational practices and processes. In doing so, we use a modified framework originally developed by Van Dijck and Poell which identifies key three characteristics of social media logics: programmability, popularity, and connectivity. We conducted a qualitative interview study using an abductive and hermeneutist-inspired methodology. The empirical material consists of 21 interviews with representatives of Swedish government agencies. The findings reveal patterns across the organizations studied which can be understood as an emerging social media logic. Regarding connectivity, the social media logic causes agencies to spend resources on channels that engage relatively few people who are already favorably disposed toward the agency, despite government agencies’ obligation to communicate with citizens at large. Programmability refers to agencies’ increased communicative and image-building power. Finally, popularity leads agencies to engage in more personalized communication, which includes exposure of individual employees as well as use of informal communicative styles. Taken together, these categories have important ramifications which risk jeopardizing agencies’ legal and normative foundations.
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| 10. |
- Eriksson [Engvall], Gunilla, 1976-
(author)
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The intelligence discourse : the Swedish military intelligence (MUST) as a producer of knowledge
- 2013
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Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The Swedish Military Intelligence and Security Directorate (MUST) is a producer of knowledge, a knowledge that is fundamental for decisionmaking in foreign and security policy. The intelligence knowledge production is often held as objective, value neutral, and with the intention of ‘speaking truth onto power’. However, this study holds that such a perspective on intelligence knowledge production calls for a revision. Hence, the overall purpose of this study is to examine the characteristics of knowledge in intelligence analysis and also to investigate how that knowledge is affected by the social context of its production, the military intelligence service. The source material is of three kinds; first texts and documents, second interviews with intelligence analysts and managers, and third observations of seminars and meetings during the production process of estimates.The results are that there is a strong presence of an implicit interpretive framework that continuously influences and guides the knowledge production and thereby makes the knowledge dependent on one specific perspective contrary to the intentional objectivity within the intelligence service. Further, the study reveals that the social and discursive practices for intelligence knowledge production include a ‘logic of appropriateness’ suggesting the presence of a structured Denkkollektiv with a structured Denkstil. The actions and choices of the individuals are transformed to create conformity to the norms within the social discursive practices. Thus, the inherited frame of interpretation, as well as the socialised norm of staying within the existing accepted frames ofthinking and acting ends up to the stability and duration of the not always accurate and fruitful Denkstil.At the core of political science resides the question of how policy is shaped. Even though this study has focused merely on one organisation in a specific policy field in one country it brings insights to the knowledge and policy nexus.
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