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Sökning: joakim scherp

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  • Scherp, Joakim, 1968- (författare)
  • Alternatives to the Military State? : The Swedish Estates' reactions to Absolutist policies during the Great Northern War
  • 2015
  • Ingår i: Revue d'histoire Nordique. - 1778-9605. ; :18, s. 147-169
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • In this article, the meeting of the Estates in 1710, and the policies suggested during this meeting is described. It is argued that the Estates had a different view of state and society than the absolutist regime. As an alternative to the heavily militarized state, which endeavoured to control all parts of society, the Estates suggested policies that they thought would lead to greater prosperity. This would be achieved by freeing the economy from state control, and above all by concluding peace. To solve the immediate financial problems of the Crown, a system of borrowing against guarantees from the Estates was proposed, which would have meant a financial revolution of the same kind that England had recently introduced. Steven Pincus theory of revolutions is furthermore applied to the Swedish developments, and it is argued that the state-modernization forced on Sweden by the disastrous Great Northern war lead to proposals for change both from the Estates and the Crown.
  • Scherp, Joakim, 1968- (författare)
  • Arvet från 1600-talet
  • 2017
  • Annan publikation (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
  • Scherp, Joakim, 1968- (författare)
  • De ofrälse och makten En institutionell studie av riksdagen och de ofrälse ståndens politik i maktdelningsfrågor 1660-1682
  • 2013
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt)abstract
    • In this thesis the constitutional policies of the three Commoner Estates (Priests, Burghers and Peasants) of the Swedish Riksdag between the years 1660 and 1682 is examined. While many previous historians have focused on the power-struggle between the Crown and the nobility, the Commoner Estates have been presumed to be staunch supporters of absolutism. I argue that the picture is far more complex. Case-studies of a number of political negotiations that concerned the distribution of political power show that the Commoners were flexible in their constitutional policies. When they sensed they were in a strong position, they were explicit in their demand for a say in political decisions. But when they were weak, they were deferential to the government. If there is one constant in their policies it is not blind reverence to royalties: the thesis show that they could sacrifice the interests of powerless members of the royal family in favour of security and defence of Protestant faith. In comparison, the Commoners were more eager to protect the rights of their own Estates and of the Riksdag as a whole. One important feature of Commoner politics was the willingness of Priests, Burghers and Peasants to co-operate, which sometimes made them quite influential. In the thesis the relations between the Estates are examined. I also have endeavoured to examine the political institutions, the rules that governed politics in the Riksdag during the period. It is observed that the institutional structures were quite complex and unclear, which gav an advantage to well-oriented Estates like the Priests and the Nobility in comparison with the Peasants. The Priests also was the best organized Estate of the Commoners. Other factors that favoured the clergy was that they were led by politically experienced bishops; that they had common privileges that all priests were interested in defending; and that they were strengthened and united by their religious ideology.
  • Scherp, Joakim, 1968- (författare)
  • "Krig har en lång rumpa" Riksdagen och den 200-åriga fredens tidigmoderna rötter
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: Historisk Tidskrift (S). - 0345-469X. ; 136:2, s. 149-184
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Sweden has enjoyed peace for more than 200 years: an almost unparalleled achievement in recorded history. But the country was growing more peaceful long before its final war in 1814. Therefore the explanations for Sweden’s long peace should be traced back to the early modern era.This article argues that the strong position of the Swedish parliament, the Riksdag, explains this development at least in part. There are four interacting reasons for the peaceful influence of the Riksdag, which gain theoretical support both from modern political science and the philosopher Immanuel Kant. First, the representation of broad strata of Swedish society in the Riksdag ensured that it was dominated by men who had more to lose than to win from war. Second, research has shown that states where collective decision-making is the norm are more prone to learn the lessons of war. Third, the Riksdag could channel the opposition to war. Fourth, the internal peace that the Riksdag had helped bring about was easily externalised to foreign policy as negotiations became the preferred means of conflict resolution. The article demonstrates that peace years tended to coincide with the Riksdag enjoying a strong position. Conversely, there were more wars during periods of autocratic rule.To determine the validity of this proposition attitudes to war in the Riksdag during the period 1642–1710 are investigated along with attitudes to war in a collection of Swedish proverbs from the seventeenth century. The investigation shows that attitudes towards war were more negative than positive among the society’s elite, i.e. the estates of the nobility and the clergy, and grew ever more peaceful during the course of the late 1600s. This can be seen in the replies to the royal propositions presented by these estates during the sessions of the Riksdag. It is also clear that the clergy, together with the estates of the burghers and the peasants tried to influence the rulers in a peaceful direction in different ways. Among the proverbs, negative attitudes to war were far more common than positive attitudes.Most likely the negative attitudes to war were a consequence of the heavy burdens of war that the inhabitants continued to suffer without reaping the rewards promised by the government. Furthermore, more frequent periods of peace made the subjects believe that conditions of peace, rather than war, were normal and desirable.The members of the Riksdag thus had both negative attitudes towards war and actively pursued peace. This behaviour provides support for the thesis put forward here, although there were certainly many other factors that are likely to have influenced the outcome. Further studies are required in order to reach a final conclusion on the role of popular legislative assemblies in promoting peace.
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