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Träfflista för sökning "AMNE:(HUMANIORA Historia och arkeologi Arkeologi) "

Sökning: AMNE:(HUMANIORA Historia och arkeologi Arkeologi)

  • Resultat 61-70 av 52142
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61.
  • Goldhahn, Joakim, 1966- (författare)
  • «Så godt det lar sig gjøre» –kommenterade krigstidsbrev adresserade till Arthur Nordénfrån norska kollegor 1940–1945
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: Viking. - : University of Oslo Library. - 0332-608X .- 2535-2660. ; 82, s. 153-172
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article is based on letters addressed to Arthur Nordén (1891–1965), from his Norwegian colleaguesAnton Willhelm Brøgger (1884–1951) and Sverre Marstrander (1910–1986) during the Nazi occupation ofNorway, which lasted from 9 April 1940 to 8 May 1945. The letters provide unique historical insights intoBrøgger’s and Marstrander’s activities during the war and reveal how they were engaging with Swedisharchaeological colleagues during the Nazi occupation of Norway. While there is no doubt the relationshipbetween archaeology and Nazism during the Second World War is a complex issue, and one that has beenaddressed by a number of researchers (e.g. Nordenborg Myhre 1984, 2002; Hagen 2002), these lettersreflect particular solidarity between Swedish and Norwegian colleagues. They act as aging photographscapturing unique insight into personal experience and agencies. The expressed solidarity in words andactions strengthened existing collegiality and friendships. The letters add to a more nuanced understandingof the history of our discipline.
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65.
  • Moore, Jason W., 1971- (författare)
  • Ecology, Capital, and the Nature of Our Times : Accumulation & Crisis in the Capitalist World-Ecology
  • 2011
  • Ingår i: Journal of World-Systems Research. - 1076-156X. ; 17:1, s. 108-147
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • In this essay, I elaborate the possibilities for a unified theory of historical capitalism – one that views the accumulation of capital and the production of nature (humans included!) as dialectically constituted. In this view, the modern world-system is a capitalist world-ecology, a world-historical matrix of human- and extra-human nature premised on endless commodification. The essay is organized in three movements. I begin by arguing for a reading of modernity’s “interdependent master processes” (Tilly) as irreducibly socio-ecological. Capitalism does not develop upon global nature so much as it emerges through the messy and contingent relations of humans with the rest of nature. Second, the paper engages Giovanni Arrighi’s handling of time, space, and accumulation in The Long Twentieth Century. I highlight Arrighi’s arguments for a “structurally variant” capitalism, and the theory of organizational revolutions, as fruitful ways to construct a theory of capitalism as world-ecology. I conclude with a theory of accumulation and its crises as world-ecological process, building out from Marx’s “general law” of underproduction. Historically, capitalism has been shaped by a dialectic of underproduction (too few inputs) and overproduction (too many commodities). Today, capitalism is poised for a re-emergence of underproduction crises, characterized by the insufficient flow of cheap food, fuel, labor, and energy to the productive circuit of capital. Far from the straightforward expression of “overshoot” and “peak everything,” the likely resurgence of underproduction crises is an expression of capitalism’s longue durée tendency to undermine its conditions of reproduction. The world-ecological limit of capital, in other words, is capital itself.
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66.
  • Moore, Jason W., 1971- (författare)
  • Nature and the transition from feudalism to capitalism
  • 2003
  • Ingår i: Review: A Journal of the Fernand Braudel Center. - 0147-9032. ; 26:2, s. 97-172
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • An epochal transformation of nature-society relations was inscribed in the transition from feudalism to capitalism. This article advances three central propositions. First, the origins of today’s global ecological crisis are found in the emergence of the capitalist world-economy in the “long” sixteenth century - not in industrialization, population growth, or market expansion, as the conventional wisdom would have it. Secondly, the crisis of feudalism was a general crisis not only of medieval Europe’s political economy, but in equal measure an expression of feudalism’s underlying ecological contradictions. Thirdly, the rise of capitalism effected a radical recomposition of world ecology. As early as the sixteenth century, we can see how the emergent logic of capital, which at once implies endless expansion and seeks to flatten socio-ecological diversity, undermined the possibilities for a sustainable relation between nature and society. Capitalism thus differed radically from feudalism and all other precapitalist formations. Where earlier ecological crises had been local, capitalism globalized them. From this standpoint, the origins of capitalism may shed light on today’s ecological crises.
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67.
  • Charpentier Ljungqvist, Fredrik, 1982- (författare)
  • Klimatkris på medeltiden
  • 2009
  • Ingår i: Populär Historia. - Lund : Historiska Media. - 1102-0822. ; :12, s. 48-52
  • Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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68.
  • Holm, Olof, 1973- (författare)
  • Trading in Viking-Period Scandinavia - a Business Only for a Few? The Jämtland Case
  • 2015
  • Ingår i: Viking and Medieval Scandinavia. - 1782-7183 .- 2030-9902. ; 11, s. 79-126
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article deals with the question of whether trading in rural areas in Scandinavia during the middle and late Viking period (c. 875‒1050/75) was largely in the hands of elite groups in the society, or if a trading system more open to popular participation prevailed. Jämtland, a region in inland Mid-Scandinavia, is investigated here and constitutes an example of an area with a seemingly open system. On the basis primarily of grave finds, the author shows that many people living in Jämtland participated in buying and selling goods (e.g. furs) to such an extent that they had obtained scales and weights as tools of trade and used weighed silver as a means of payment. This widespread usage of silver as payment had arisen in spite of Jämtland’s remoteness from the major Scandinavian trading centres of the time. Several geographical, cultural, social, and economic factors that might explain this development in Jämtland are discussed.
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