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  • Adetula, Victor, 1960- (författare)
  • Fiscal federalism and government performance in Nigeria
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: Nigerian federalism. - Ibadan : Safari Books Ltd. - 9789788431992 - 9789788431985 ; , s. 111-145
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • An underlying assumption of fiscal federalism is that it should create incentives for both the central and constituent governments to efficiently and effectively deliver services to their citizens. Recent discontents with Nigeria’s federal practice, especially since 1999 when the country returned to civil rule, are mostly associated with issues of fiscal federalism. Disputes and conflicts now occur more frequently between the federal and state governments that have to do with resource allocations and intergovernmental finance especially the intergovernmental fiscal transfers. The perceived vertical and horizontal inequalities engendered by the extant revenue sharing formula and the strident demands in several quarters for “true federalism” have become one of the critical sources of threat to Nigerian nationhood.  These trends point to contradictions in the conceptualization and implementation of the Nigerian federalism including its fiscal components. This chapter discusses the challenges of fiscal federalism in Nigeria within the context of the principle of decentralisation, which is understood generally as the devolution by a central government of political, administrative and fiscal powers to local-level government. It also assesses the effects of decentralisation on government performance and the implications for good governance especially since 1999 when the country returned to civil rule. In order to understand decentralisation it is essential for one to study how government is working at the sub-national levels. Fiscal federalism is treated in this chapter from a broad perspective, which is not limited by either the discipline of Economics especially its classical notion of “fiscal federalism” or the discourse in Political Science on “federalism and democracy”. The approach adopted here is the historical perspective; one that presents a holistic analysis of the challenges of Nigeria’s fiscal federalism in relation to their origins as well as current phases. Therefore, the task here is undertaken  guided by the wisdom in  Adiele Afigbo’s counsel  that “the best way to know anything is to know how it began, what factors dictated its origins and what factors dictate its development, as well as where it is heading.” Thus, while it is necessary to pay attention to contemporary trends and developments in the practice of federal system in Nigeria, and factor these into explanatory frameworks for understanding fiscal federalism in the country, it is important that the historical context be incorporated into the discourse. In this regard, historical realities and social conditions such as the colonial origins of the Nigerian federalism, and the overwhelming influence and domination of the federal polity by the military for a period of over three decades need to be recognized as important background or contextualizing variables. Structural and institutional problems in the Nigeria political economy such as over dependence on income from oil and its associated problems, the nature and character of the Nigerian state, and the orientation of the power elites that exhibit greed and lack of patriotism constitute essential part of the intervening variables. Also of importance is the emerging democratic environment in the country that is providing an enabling milieu for the expression of dissatisfaction with the status and role of the centre in the federation’s fiscal system.
  • Adetula, Victor, 1960- (författare)
  • Land Ownership, Politics of Belonging and Identity Conflicts in the Jos Metropolis
  • 2015
  • Ingår i: Studies in politics and society: journal of the Nigerian Political Science Association. - Nigeria. - 2006-9243. ; 3:1, s. 67-80
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The conflicts in the Jos metropolis are not different from other identity conflicts over land in Africa. Studies have shown that dispute over environmental resources is not sufficient by itself to cause violence. When it does contribute to violence, it interacts with other political, economic, and social factors. This perspective draws attention to the social, economic and political contexts underlying environmental resource scarcity’s causal role in African conflicts. This is useful for situating the Jos sectarian conflicts within the context of the interplay of political, economic and social forces in the Jos metropolis. The conflicts connect more strongly to a long historical process on the Jos Plateau than some of the immediate problems widely reported in the media. At the centre of this historical process were British colonialism, the growth of the tin mining economy that brought the early Hausa and Fulani migrant labour to Jos, and the struggles over land. The British colonial administration through its policy of Indirect Rule, and the organization of ethnically segregated communities of ‘natives’ and ‘settlers’ created the settler-indigene divide. The Berom, Afizere and Anaguta who see themselves as the ‘first comers’ refer to themselves as ‘indigenes’ while they regard the Hausa and Fulani as ‘later comers’ and derogatorily labelled them as ‘settlers’. Both the indigenes and non-indigenes have always demonstrated strong emotional appeals to historical factors in their autochthonous claims. This paper examines the role of ethnicity, religion and other primordial sentiments in the Jos conflicts including the politics of belonging and how it relates to land ownership. This paper draws data from the author’s close observations of events in the Jos metropolis for a period of over two decades. Informal interviews, events analyses and qualitative data complement historical and contemporary documentary secondary sources on people, economy and politics of the city of Jos.
  • Adetula, Victor, 1960- (författare)
  • Markets, Revolts, and Regime Change : The Political Economy of the Arab Spring
  • 2011
  • Ingår i: Nigerian Journal of International Affairs. - Lagos, Nigeria. ; 37:2, s. 17-48
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article discusses the political economy of the Arab Spring. It draws attention to the economic and social factors underlying the recent uprisings in the Arab world. Essentially the article relates the internal dynamics in the Arab countries with their status and role in the global economy. It also notes especially the rising awareness in the Arab world on the role of the civil society in domestic politics, especially its capacity to demand political and economic change. The article is divided into five sections. The first section introduces the main issues, while the second section conceptually interprets the Arab Spring within the intellectual discourse on social revolution mainly but with a brief overview on regime change and democratic transition. The third section examines the relationship between oil, politics, and economy in the MENA region. The fourth section contains an analysis of the economic crisis and the various adjustment measures adopted by some governments on the eve of the uprisings. The fifth section examines the external dimensions of the Arab Spring including the international responses. The discussion of the lessons learned and policy recommendations concludes the article.
  • Adetula, Victor, 1960- (författare)
  • Nigeria’s Response to Transnational Organise Crime and Jihadist Activities in West Africa
  • 2015
  • Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt)abstract
    • Nigeria's status and role as a regional power continues to impact the entire West African sub-region. However the country is facing serious security challenges that are complicated by transnational threats which are associated with organised crime and the activities of jihadist movements. Threats to security linked to the activities of illegal migrants, smugglers, drug traffickers and human traffickers in West Africa have attracted considerable attention from scholars, policy makers and practitioners alike. As the activities of the Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati wal-Jihad (People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet's Teachings and Jihad) also known as Boko Haram are spreading fast through the northern part of the country into a number of countries in West and Central Africa - notably Chad, Niger, and Cameroon - fears and anxiety have become more noticeable among stakeholders. Also, the challenge of piracy and maritime insecurity in the Gulf of Guinea threatens Nigeria's national security as well as regional stability. This study presents the role of Nigeria as a regional hegemon, and also discusses its response to transnational organised criminality and jihadist activities in the sub-region, highlighting Nigeria's official response as well as other interventions undertaken through bilateral and multilateral platforms. The study concludes that there is no controversy about the desirability of the Nigerian government to curb transnational organised crime and jihadist activities in the country. However, the complexities of strategies and modalities for effective curbing of transnational threats still requires in-depth and concerted efforts than have been given by stakeholders. One may argue that the prospects for effective control of cross-border crime in West Africa are positive. Both at bilateral and multilateral levels, Nigeria has shown commitment to working with other countries within the West African sub-region to address the menace of transnational criminality including smuggling, human trafficking and cross-border banditry. On the otherhand, the oversubscription of Nigeria and some of its immediate neighbours to pseudo-nationalist policies hinder the implementation of broad-based regional strategies to address transnational threats. Thus the general apathy and lack of courage in official circles and among civil society organizations and other non-state actors in West Africa to organise across national frontiers and engage in security and development discourse, all have the tendency to limit the prospects of effective control of transnational criminality. The efforts of the Nigerian government at combating transnational organised crime and the spread of jihadist activities are yielding somegains. However, lack of political will, bad governance, and poorly equipped and motivated defence and security agencies coupled with other problems such as the porosity of the borders and non-involvement of the people have continued to inhibit progress.
  • Adetula, Victor, 1960- (författare)
  • People's Democratic Party and 2015 General Elections : The Morbidity of a Giant
  • 2017
  • Ingår i: The Nigerian General Elections of 2015. - Ibadan, Nigeria : John Archers Publishers. - 9789785527407 ; , s. 27-52
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) was established in 1998 at the time when Nigeria was under pressure from the international community to undertake political reform in preparation for anticipated return to civil rule. The PDP formed the first government after the country re-introduced civil rule in May 1999 and remained the ruling party at the national level and also in government in the majority of states of the federation until May 2015 when it lost to the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the presidential election, and unexpectedly recorded defeat in the other elections. The climax was on March 28, 2015 when Nigeria held its fifth presidential election and an incumbent president, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan was defeated by retired Major-General Mohammed Buhari who was contesting the presidential election for the fourth time. Apart from its remarkable victory in the previous four successive presidential elections, the PDP had a comfortable majority in the national legislature between 1999 and 2015. However, towards the end of President Obasanjo’s tenure, the party had started to experience disturbing cracks in its internal cohesion. It eventual defeat by the APC at both the presidential and state levels puts an abrupt end to the hegemony of the self-styled “largest political party in Africa” with a vision of “ruling Nigeria for sixty years”. This chapter presents analysis of the remote and immediate causes of the poor performance of the PDP in the 2015 elections. What are the remote and immediate causes of the defeat of the PDP in the 2015 elections? What was the nature of public support for the party and its presidential candidate?  Was the dwindling public support for the party linked to its diagnostic analysis of the challenges of governance and development in the country? What was the role of the Jonathan presidency in the political misfortune of the party? What was the capacity of the party to cope with some of the changes and innovations in the electoral process that may have contributed to the outcomes of the 2015 elections?  How has the PDP faired since the inauguration of the new APC-led government? Is the party adjusting well to playing the role of an opposition party? How well has the party faired in this regard, and what are the lessons learned? And finally, how does the electoral misfortune of the PDP helps us to understand the strength and weaknesses of the democratic institutions in Nigeria? As many are these questions that one consider useful for understanding the party system in modern Nigeria.
  • Adetula, Victor (författare)
  • Principle and practice of supranationalism in ECOWAS and the implications for regional integration in West Africa
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: Political Science Review. - Nigeria. - 1996-4124. ; 7:1, s. 17-34
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The concept of ‘supranationalism’ covers procedures and processes of decision-making in multi-national political communities that encourages the transfer of power to an authority broader than governments of member states. This paper acknowledges that the world is experiencing a re-awakening of supranationality, and that contemporary globalisation processes is contributing to this development that has not only checkmated the state and dissolves the absolutes of the Westphalian system, but has brought in other non-state actors including the civil society to be closely associated with the operations of international organizations. Globalisation processes have come with new challenges for governance and the management of global public goods (such as health, education, human security, etc.). The established of the African Economic Community (AEC) motivated other African regional organisations to introduce elements of supranationality in their operations. From various provisions in the Abuja Treaty, the understanding of supranationality as a situation where an international organization is endowed with powers to take decisions that are binding on it and all the member states is quite clear. The influence of this development is significant for regional integration in Africa. Using historical data and information on the performance of ECOWAS, this paper contextualizes the experience of ECOWAS in its practice of supranationalism. It highlights the opportunities, pressures and constraints for the effective and efficient operation of the supranational organization for ECOWAS These developments are important given that inter-governmentalism for long dominated the process of regional integration in Africa with each member states of regional organization retaining and exercising their full sovereign power in their separate decisions on the application and implementation of regional agreements. The paper concludes by arguing that ECOWAS, with the support of an efficiently run supranational body in the form of the ECOWAS Commission, can facilitate the process of regional integration in West Africa. This, of course, has several political ramifications demanding complex institutions and structures, and extensive political will, as well as unity of objectives and commitments at national and sub-regional.  It suffices to say here that the success of West African integration will depend first on the commitment of states in the ECOWAS region to redefine regional integration in a way that moves the process beyond state-centered approaches to include, among other things, the increased participation of civil society - the people and their representatives in associations, professional societies, farmers’ group, women’s groups and so on, as well as political parties - in regional integration processes.
  • Adetula, Victor (författare)
  • Sweden's bid for a UN Security Council seat and what Africa stands to gain
  • 2016
  • Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt)abstract
    • The Swedish government should involve the African diaspora in Sweden to secure the support of African countries in the UN. It also needs to clarify in what ways Sweden's feminist foreign policy is compatible with African values of respect and dignity for womanhood. These are a couple of recommendations provided in this policy note on how Sweden should act to improve relations with African countries and succeed in its ambitions to achieve the sustainable development goals of Agenda 2030.
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