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Sökning: WFRF:(Eriksson Johan)

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51.
  • Eriksson, Hanna, et al. (författare)
  • Quantitative membrane proteomics applying narrow range peptide isoelectric focusing for studies of small cell lung cancer resistance mechanisms
  • 2008
  • Ingår i: Proteomics. - : Wiley. - 1615-9853 .- 1615-9861. ; 28:5C, s. 3275-3276
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Drug resistance is often associated with upregulation of membrane-associated drug-efflux systems, and thus global membrane proteomics methods are valuable tools in the search for novel components of drug resistance phenotypes. Herein we have compared the microsomal proteome from the lung cancer cell line H69 and its isogenic Doxorubicin-resistant subcell line H69AR. The method used includes microsome preparation, iTRAQ labeling followed by narrow range peptide IEF in an immobilized pH-gradient (IPG-IEF) and LC-MS/MS analysis. We demonstrate that the microsomal preparation and iTRAQ labeling is reproducible regarding protein content and composition. The rationale using narrow range peptide IPG-IEF separation is demonstrated by its ability to: (i) lowering the complexity of the sample by two-thirds while keeping high proteome coverage (96%), (ii) providing high separation efficiency, and (iii) allowing for peptide validation and possibly identifications of post-transcriptional modifications. After analyzing one-fifth of the IEF fractions (effective pH range of 4.0-4.5), a total of 3704 proteins were identified, among which 527 were predicted to be membrane proteins. One of the proteins found to be differentially expressed was Serca 2, a calcium pump located in the ER membrane that potentially could result in changes of apoptotic response toward Doxorubicin.
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52.
  • Eriksson, Johan, et al. (författare)
  • 2,2’,6,6’-Tetrachloro-4,4’-propane-2,2-diyldiphenol, 2,2’,6-tribromo-4,4’-propane-2,2-diyldi phenol and 2,2’,6,6’-tetrabromo-4,4’-propane-2,2-diyldiphenol
  • 2001
  • Ingår i: Acta crystallographica Section C. - : Wiley. - 0108-2701. ; 57:11, s. 1308-1312
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Three flame retardants with very similar molecular structures showing three different packing patterns have been studied. The crystal structure of 2,2',6,6'-tetrachloro-4,4'-propane-2,2-diyldiphenol, C15H12Cl4O2, can be described as a packing of sheets. The packing shows a very short intermolecular ClCl contact distance of 3.094  (2)  Å between pairs of molecules inside each sheet. The crystal structure of 2,2',6-tribromo-4,4'-propane-2,2-diyldiphenol, C15H13Br3O2, can be described as a packing of doubly stranded helical square tubes. These square helices are interconnected through BrBr contacts between different helices. Finally, a previously known structure, 2,2',6,6'-tetrabromo-4,4'-propane-2,2-diyldiphenol [Simonov, Cheban, Rotaru & Bels'skii (1986). Kristallografiya, 31, 397-399], C15H12Br4O2, which is the most commonly used flame retardant and which has twofold rotational symmetry, has been refined in the correct absolute configuration. The structure shows large differences from the chloro analogue with regard to packing, van der Waals distances and hydrogen-bond distances.
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53.
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54.
  • Eriksson, Johan, Professor, 1967-, et al. (författare)
  • Conceptualizing the European military-civilian-industrial complex : The need for a helicopter perspective
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: Defence Studies. - : Taylor & Francis Group. - 1470-2436 .- 1743-9698. ; 3:4, s. 561-588
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • In his 1961 farewell address, US President Eisenhower coined the term “military-industrial complex,” referring to the coalescing of military, industrial, and political interest groups. In contemporary Europe, the military-industrial complex is arguably transforming into a complex with a noteworthy commercial civilian dimension, blurring traditional military and arms-focused understandings of European defence and security. Our emphasis on an added corporate civilian component captures the expansion of defence and security beyond the traditional military domain. Coalescing of industry and politics is observed in Europe, blurring the military-civilian divide, technologically as well as in organization and governance, particularly through public-private partnerships. Eisenhower, himself a decorated WWII general, warned of how the US military-industrial complex could lead to “disastrous use of misplaced power.” Rather than reiterating such a conclusion in the European context, our paper examines how the European military-civilian-industrial complex is emerging, looking at how elite participants shape the public-private structure of the complex, and specifically how policies on dual-use and emerging technologies influence developments in Europe. The focus herein is on novel actors, characteristics, and the European Union and charts out defining conceptual features of the defence and security industry in Europe
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55.
  • Eriksson, Jonas, et al. (författare)
  • Cost-effectiveness of infliximab versus conventional combination treatment in methotrexate-refractory early rheumatoid arthritis: 2-year results of the register-enriched randomised controlled SWEFOT trial.
  • 2015
  • Ingår i: Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases. - : BMJ. - 1468-2060 .- 0003-4967. ; 74:6, s. 1094-1101
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • OBJECTIVE: To estimate the incremental cost-effectiveness of infliximab versus conventional combination treatment over 21 months in patients with methotrexate-refractory early rheumatoid arthritis. METHODS: In this multicentre, two-arm, parallel, randomised, active-controlled, open-label trial, rheumatoid arthritis patients with <1 year symptom duration were recruited from 15 rheumatology clinics in Sweden between October 2002 and December 2005. After 3-4 months of methotrexate monotherapy, patients not achieving low disease activity were randomised to addition of infliximab or sulfasalazine+hydroxychloroquine (conventional treatment group). Costs of drugs, healthcare use, and productivity losses were retrieved from nationwide registers, while EuroQol 5-Dimensions utility was collected quarterly. RESULTS: Of 487 patients initially enrolled, 128 and 130 were randomised to infliximab and conventional treatment, respectively. The infliximab group accumulated higher drug and healthcare costs (€27 487 vs €10 364; adjusted mean difference €16 956 (95% CI 14 647 to 19 162)), while productivity losses did not differ (€33 804 vs €29 220; €3961 (95% CI -3986 to 11 850)), resulting in higher societal cost compared to the conventional group (€61 291 vs €39 584; €20 916 (95% CI 12 800 to 28 660)). Mean accumulated quality-adjusted life-years (QALYs) did not differ (1.10 vs 1.12; adjusted mean difference favouring infliximab treatment 0.01 (95% CI -0.07 to 0.08)). The incremental cost-effectiveness ratios for the infliximab versus conventional treatment strategy were €2 404 197/QALY from the societal perspective and €1 948 919/QALY from the healthcare perspective. CONCLUSIONS: In early, methotrexate-refractory rheumatoid arthritis, a treatment strategy commencing with addition of infliximab, as compared to sulfasalazine+hydroxychloroquine, was not cost-effective over 21 months at willingness to pay levels generally considered acceptable. TRIAL REGISTRATION NUMBER: NCT00764725.
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56.
  • Eriksson, Johan, Professor, 1967-, et al. (författare)
  • Cyber security in Sweden and China : Going on the Attack?
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: Conflict in Cyberspace. - London : Routledge. - 9781138947788 - 9781315669878 ; , s. 83-94
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Introduction In recent years Western pundits and politicians have played up the specter of a new digital divide, between opposing democratic and authoritarian information orders, by at times even labeled an Internet cold war 2.0. The term digital divide originally explained unequal access to the Internet and digital information resources inside and between countries (Norris 2001). The new digital divide was not about unequal access to the Internet and digital information resources. It was political in nature due to different conceptions of liberties, freedom of expression, and how information flows should be governed nationally and internationally. Most notably, former US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, in her by now well-known talk in Washington DC on January 21, 2010, emphasized that an “information curtain” had descended between free and closed nations of the world (Clinton 2010). Clinton, invoked and echoed Winston Churchill’s famous words on the iron curtain that came to divide Europe for more than fifty years when she in Washington DC said: “an information curtain now separates the free from the unfree.” Two years later, the International Telecommunication Union’s (ITU) World Conference on International Communications (WCIT-12) meeting, which negotiated a revision to the 1988 international telecommunications regulations (ITR), broke down on vague wordings on Internet governance in the final resolution on December 14, 2012. Subsequently, The Economist magazine ran the headline “A digital cold war?” (Dubai 2012). However, the leaks by Edward Snowden in June 2013 radically changed the nature of the debate on Internet freedom and Internet security, although black-and-white dichotomies between the “free world” and the “unfree world” remain remarkably persistent, even after Snowden, a former employee with a contractor of the National Security Agency of the United States, revealed the enormous extent of surveillance and monitoring of individual citizens worldwide and in the USA. As statements by US congressmen about Chinese spyware infiltrating the mobile phones of Hong Kong activists illustrate, hypocrisy and myth making about “good” and “evil” surveillance is very much alive (Farrell and Finnemore 2013). Internet governance issues, however, are not black-and-white uncomplicated issues on either side of the imagined cyber curtain separating the free from the unfree (cf. Stalla-Bourdin et al. 2014). Russia, China and Iran are autocratic but not totalitarian countries. They showcase complex authoritarian-capitalist settings, which in the cases of Russia and Iran entail constrained but, nevertheless, electoral politics. Unlike totalitarian North Korea, these countries are not isolated from the rest of the world, but are deeply involved in social and economic globalization. And in China, interestingly, the state cannot fully trust private commercial companies to fully comply with the party-state’s intent to censor and monitor citizens’ communication over social networks. The remainder of this chapter discusses Swedish and Chinese cyber-security strategy, focusing on threat perceptions, cyber-security methods and organization. Why compare Sweden and China? The main reason is that while both have relatively advanced information societies and cyber-security measures, they represent on the one hand a parliamentary democracy, and on the other an autocratic political system. While many other democracies and autocracies could have been chosen, Sweden and China are particularly interesting given their difference in size and position in the global system. Also, while the USA is a leading cyber power, and thus in a sense a major geopolitical counterpart of China, we are not here analyzing the balance of cyber power, but are mainly interested in differences and similarities between democracy and autocracy concerning cyber security. And while US cyber-security policies have been extensively discussed elsewhere (Mueller and Kuehn 2013; Dunn Cavelty 2008), there is hardly any studies on Swedish cyber security (for exceptions, see Eriksson 2001a, 2001b, 2004). Moreover, our particular expertise on Swedish and Chinese cyber politics is a pragmatic reason for studying these rather than any other countries. It should also be made clear that we conceive of cyber security in a broad sense. Cyber security, as we understand it, includes defensive measures against cyber attacks such as firewalls and CERT (Computer Emergency Response Team) functions, offensive measures such as computer hacking and denial of service attacks, and cyber surveillance and cyber espionage (Andreasson 2012; Dunn Cavelty 2008).
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57.
  • Eriksson, Johan, et al. (författare)
  • Decabromodiphenyl ether
  • 1999
  • Ingår i: Acta crystallographica Section C. - : Wiley. - 0108-2701. ; 55:12, s. 2169-2171
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Bis(pentabromophenyl) ether, C12Br100, shows strangedifferences in the endocyclic angles between the twodifferent rings, although they are both substituted inthe same manner. Several short van der Waals contact distances give clues to the anomalous endocyclic anglesand some hints to the formation of decompositionproducts. We suggest that the intermolecular Br...Brcontacts contribute to the distortions of the ring systems.Usually distortions of this kind would be explained fromhighly anisotropic TLS behaviour, but the data from thetitle compound do not show any conclusive TLS effects.
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58.
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59.
  • Eriksson, Johan, Professor, 1967-, et al. (författare)
  • Outsourcing the American Space Dream? : SpaceX and the Race to the Stars
  • 2022
  • Konferensbidrag (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Whereas the rise of private space entrepreneurship is indisputable, this paper contends that contrary to the “NewSpace” narrative, the development of privately owned and operated human spacefaring  does not dispel or fundamentally alter the American space dream but rather implies continuity of the narrative of America as the dominant global space power, specifically regarding a return to the Moon and with the explicit aim of colonizing Mars. The present paper analyzes the continuity of the American space dream and how it is expressed by public and private space actors as well as being supported by popular culture, entertainment, and an active space enthusiast community. The paper maintains that the continuity of the American space dream as a unifying national narrative is facilitated by how private spacefaring is heavily dependent on the US government’s emphasis on the pivotal role of private space industry for US-led space exploration. This dependent relationship provides incentives for private space entrepreneurs to share and tap into the established American space dream. The continuity of the American space dream is achieved through a prevailing yet reconfigured government-industrial complex.
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60.
  • Eriksson, Johan, Professor, 1967-, et al. (författare)
  • Outsourcing the American Space Dream : SpaceX and the Race to the Stars
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: Astropolitics. - : Taylor & Francis Group. - 1477-7622 .- 1557-2943. ; 21:1, s. 46-62
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Whereas the rise of private space entrepreneurship is indisputable, we contend that contrary to the “NewSpace” narrative, the development of privately owned and operated human spacefaring does not dispel or fundamentally alter the American space dream, but rather implies continuity of the narrative of America as the dominant global space power, specifically regarding a return to the Moon and with the explicit aim of colonizing Mars. Herein, we analyze the continuity of the American space dream and how it is expressed by public and private space actors, as well as being supported by popular culture, entertainment, and an active space enthusiast community. We maintain that the continuity of the American space dream as a unifying national narrative is facilitated by how private spacefaring is dependent on the U.S. Government’s emphasis on the pivotal role of private space industry for space exploration. This dependent relationship provides incentives for private space entrepreneurs to share and leverage the established American space dream. The continuity of the American space dream is achieved through a prevailing, yet reconfigured, government-industrial complex.
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