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  • Resultat 277181-277190 av 328890
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277181.
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277182.
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277183.
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277184.
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277185.
  • Sellerberg, Ann Mari, et al. (författare)
  • Børn, mad og køn. Børns deltagelse i arbejde og beslutninger i familien
  • 2006
  • Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Food is essential for our survival, but food has important social functions in the family/household as well. In our study we examine how consumption looks in the family; consumption becomes a process of exchange between children and parents, and between girls and boys. The report is based on an empirical study consisting of group interviews with 7-8 year old children from four Nordic countries: Sweden, Norway, Denmark and Finland.We examine what role children have in the process of consumption. Specifically, we look at which tasks children participate in and what kind of influence they have, as well as if there are differences in the attitudes of girls and boys regarding working with food in the family. A question for us is if girls and boys take on a traditional division of labor where girls become like their mothers and boys become like their fathers. The first part of the report discusses the child’s role in the decision-making process for food. We find a widespread provider-receiver relationship, where the child is the receiver and the parents are the providers. We examine negotiations about food and find that power and resistance are exercised in the child-parent relationship. Consumption includes both conflicts and consensus. Children describe both explicit and implicit negotiations. Some things are dealt with internally while other things are discussed loudly. It is a struggle in which there are declarations of independence between child and parent, but here too there is also a subtle interplay in daily dealings with food. The empirical material shows clear fixed routines regarding the appearance of meal-time, and it is these routines to which children orient themselves. Children have limited influence over this process in certain areas. The child’s influence is larger especially regarding decisions about dessert or what sweets are allowed. Some times children get to decide the meal, but this happens only on certain week-days. Children adapt to this situation as well as form it, and the same is true for parents. The role of the parents is marked by both compliance and control. Parents administrate a relationship consisting of contradictions, between a nutritious meal and an emotionally good meal. Parents have incorporated expert knowledge about nutrition, but they also have a well developed “local” emotional knowledge about what their children like.The second part of the report describes children’s participation in food preparation. We see child participation in our study in the following areas: setting the table, clearing the table, buying of food and food preparation. We find that child participation is rather limited. We refer to Bonke (1998) who reports that 7-8 years olds spend ½ an hour per week on housework. In our study we see that children are most active during table-setting and table-clearing, and least active during the preparation of the meal. Children are freed from housework to participate in other activities. Children describe how it is expected of them to take care of themselves (clean their own rooms, dress themselves) and they are expected to maintain harmony at the dinner table and they should behave according what is considered good behavior in the family. But they are also expected to participate in free-time and other social activities. They are encouraged to participate in different social situations and through these learn appropriate behaviors for later institutional or community settings. Bonke’s (1998) perspective can proved a context for our findings. He reports social differences regarding which tasks children are expected to perform.Finally we discuss the traditional division of labor that generally dominates between the sexes regarding working with food. Does this division exist in child participation and in their attitudes towards this type of work? Here we find that girls in every age group contribute more than boys (Bonke, 2000). We also find a difference in attitude toward working with food between boys and girls. Girls express greater knowledge and a larger interest than boys. Some boys express a strong resistance to obligatory chores. The results show in this context that sex-roles are reproduced through consumptions socialization. But we also find a tendency toward openness in these structures. The explanation for this can be found in, among other things, the new variable family structure; and that children at this age (7-8 years) are not seen as a helpful resource for housework.
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277186.
  • Sellerberg, Ann Mari (författare)
  • Det hälsosamma
  • 1982
  • Ingår i: Tvärsnitt - om humanistisk och samhällsvetenskaplig forskning. - 0348-7997. ; :4, s. 22-29
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)
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277187.
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277188.
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277189.
  • Sellerberg, Ann Mari (författare)
  • Efter stormen. En sociologisk undersökning av skogsägarfamiljer
  • 2011
  • Bok (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • After the storm. A sociological analysis of families owning forest properties. A Book By Sellerberg publiched by Bokbox, March 2011 "Has it been windy?", someone asks a forest owner in March 2005. In January practically all of his forest was annihilated. A storm rolled by with winds as strong as 46 metres per second. The forest owners in Kronoberg county were particularly badly hit by the disaster. According to to an aerial survey conducted by Skogsvårdsorganisationen 69,7 million cubic metres of forest were damaged by the storm. - Twenty forest owning families in Kronoberg county have been interviewed. These interviews were conducted between June and October 2006. First comes a description of how the storm disrupts ordinary life. The chapter "As ordinary life falls apart" highlights three themes. The first theme reflects different phases. At first interviewees experience a phase of unreality followed by a construction oriented rebuilding phase. A second theme focus on how forest owners discern new social groups among people after the storm: the resourceful ones, the ones worthy of compassion and those to be protected from information. A group that was especially talked about were the ones who did not suffer from the storm and who did not grasp the gravity of the situation. This last category became important as a counter image, clarifying the boundaries surrounding their own way of life. Forest owners express themselves in a similar way when looking at forest in the past and in the future. A third theme thus becomes how the crisis makes clear the identity as a forest owner. Ordinary life with its taken for granted daily routines have fallen apart. The reconstruction of daily reality is, however, not a simple goal oriented process; new routines develop in order to manage an ever changing situation. In this process the families struck be the storm make use of a great number of comparisons. To compare turns into a way of structuring a daily life that has to be rebuilt. Comparisons also inspire actions and feelings and create a foundation from which you can assess a new reality. Comparisons generate work and very concrete aspirations. They also give birth to admiration, compassion and news ideas. Forest owners make comparisons between strong and weak, winners and losers, go-getters and apathetic ones, those who understand the consequences of the storm and those who don't, capitalists and true forest owners, those who got konwledgeable forest workers and those who got ignorant ones, the silent ones and the ones who grab what they can get. These and numerous other comparisons are discussed in the chapter "Daily life is structured through the process of comparisons". The storm was not only about your own forest, your own daily life or about efforts to normalise your life afterwards. The relationships to other people also changed. The forest owners described how new relationships were established while at the same time already existing social bonds came under reconsideration. The time after the storm became a catalyst. Social relations changed in very real and concrete ways both ways of thought and sets of values. (See the chapter "Relationships".) After the storm relationships were put to the test. Partly through the creation of new roles: representative, economic negatotiator, guide or through the fact that your own farm became a social a logistc hub. The storm could result in families, friends or acquaintances choosing different paths. At the end the different relationships to surrounding institutions are described. This focuses on institutitions such as the political system, media, the elected local council, the state and important economic institutions. The interviewees see how these have acted in the storm and judge them accordingly. Apart from the concrete changes the different relationships go through the forest owning families throw new light on making moral choices. These families have to assess and judge their relationships in completely new situations. This process of evaluation discussion is analysed in the chapter "Relationships".
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277190.
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