| 1. |
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| 2. |
- Bergstedt, Bosse
(författare)
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Staden som samhällsspegel
- 1984
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Ingår i: Borås Tidning. - 1103-9132.
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 3. |
- Platen, Fredrik von, 1938-
(författare)
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Hur mår staden?
- 1989
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Ingår i: Kulturmiljövård. - Stockholm : Riksantikvarieämbetet. - 1100-4800. ; :5, s. 31-33
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 4. |
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Visby : staden och omlandet II
- 1989
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Visby - the peasants' harbour and trading centreRepresentatives of different disciplines such as history of art, archaeology, and history have shown an interest -especially since the late nineteenth century -in the early history of Visby.The oldest dating for the town of Visby has varied in the literature from the Viking Age to the second half of the twelfth century. The settlers are assumed by some scholars to have been Gotlanders, by others to have been immigrant Germans. The twentieth century has seen the emergence of a picture of a society isolated from the surrounding agrarian countryside by rocky and forested land. The oldest detailed maps of Visby's rural parish, drawn in the late seventeenth century, show the opposite. The town was surrounded by a continuous belt of good arable land, sufficient to contain 10-15 farms.A compilation of known prehistoric monuments in Visby's rural parish shows that the area has been continuously occupied since the Stone Age.Nils Lithberg (1924) was the first to assemble the available archaeological material and deduce romm it a picture of the town's development from the Iron Age onwards. Today there is a large amount of archaeological material from Visby from before the Middle Ages. The paper presents this material divided into the categories of single finds, areas with graves, and areas with old occupation layers.The place was probably used as a harbour by the surrounding farms in the early Iron Age -although this has left no traces apart from occasional single finds -and the site of the present-day Visby saw increasing activity in the Vendel Period (ca.600-800 AD). No occupation layers from this period have yet been found, but one certain grave in a grave field where there are several undated graves can be suspected to belong to this time, as well as picture stones, at least ten single finds, and three C14 datings. The establishment of a settlement at Visby probably took place in the Vendel Period. The absence of occupation layers can probably be attributed largely to the fact that the site has been occupied and utilized continuously for 1,000-1,200 years, with only fragments remaining of the prehistoric settlement.In the project "Harbours and Trading Centres in Gotland in the Period 600-1100 AD" Dan Carlsson has concluded on the basis of a number of criteria that 40-50 harbours and trading sites were established around the coast of Gotland, mostly in the Vendel Period. Towards the end of the Viking Age and the beginning of the Middle Ages, trade in Gotland was concentrated in a few harbours (Carlsson 1988:26 f.). Development appears to have been similar in Scania and Denmark (Callmer 1986).The paper discusses certain features that Visby has in common with other harbour trading sites in Scandinavia. Two prehistoric burial grounds have been found in medieval Visby, not counting the large Kopparvik grave-field south of the town. The two burial grounds reveal differences, which can be interpreted as socially conditioned. Different groupings of graves in the Kopparvik grave field suggest that the dead were buried according to the farm they came from. The Viking Age trading centres of Hedeby in south Jutland and Birka in Lake Mälaren were surrounded by several grave fields. The oldest phases or finds at both sites are dated to the Vendel Period.The establishment of maritime communities in the Vendel Period is evidently nothing that is peculiar to Gotland, nor indeed to Scandinavia -Dorestad, Quentovic, York, and London are examples of trading sites that were founded or else greatly expanded at this time.The period 600-800 appears to have brought a number of radical changes to Gotland. A religious change is suggested by the new form and content of the picture stones (cult monuments?) around 600. A change in settlement structure and economy is indicated by the establishment of harbour towns, possibly with migrations to other parts of the Baltic region. Grave fields with Gotlandic and Scandinavian finds have been excavated at Grobin in Latvia and Elbing in Poland. The transition from the Migration Period is characterized by radical changes in design, as shown by the appearance of new forms of objects.Neither at Grobin nor at Elbing are the Scandinavian finds interpreted as remains of warlike activity; the colonies appear to have been formed for peaceful purposes (Lundström 1983; Neugebauer 1944). Nor do the grave goods from the Visby area suggest that activities around here were primarily martial. There are few weapons in graves, and the other grave goods indicate rather that the main activity was trade.From the ninth century, there are occupation layers in the north of the harbour area, and activity increased noticeably in the tenth century. Settlement spread, and the number of burials in the Kopparvik grave field increased.In the eleventh century, the entire coastal strip was occupied from the northern harbour entrance to the present-day Donnersplats in the south.Settlement in Visby is arranged in a regulated system of narrow house lots between the alleys running down to the harbour. This division can be traced back to the ninth century, perhaps earlier. The same type of regulated division is found in Dorestad, Hedeby, Ribe, Sigtuna, Oslo, Bergen, Söderköping, and Stockholm, with datings from the Vendel Period to the thirteenth century. In several places, it is interpreted as a royally organized control of the land of the market towns. From Ribe 113 and Trondheim there is written evidence that the king distributed the lots. At Visby, however, it does not appear likely that the king owned the land. There is no evidence of royal involvement in the distribution of house lots.Both grave goods and the objects found in occupation layers show - with few exceptions - purely Gotlandic forms before the Middle Ages. Occupation layers from the Viking Age and the early Middle Ages are poor in finds. This is assumed to be because the people who used Visby did not normally live here. Those who owned lots here lived on their farms around Visby and further afield on the island, and it was to these farms they brought the surplus of the activities that were based in Visby, a surplus that manifests itself in the form of a large number of hards.The use of the harbour in Visby, as of the other contemporary harbours around the coast of Gotland, can be compared with the way fishing sites were used in later periods. Fishermen-farmers from one or more judicial districts had the right to fish at a fishing site, which laced a permanent population. Here the farmers had their sheds, landing places for boats, and places to dry their equipment. The system can be traced back to the seventeenth century, but is probably much older. It is assumed that the Vendel Period harbours were organized in the same pattern -a number of farms divided the land along the shore and organized activities in the harbour community. Operations here were for a long time in one direction only; the Gotlanders sailed away from the island to pursue the activities that brought them their income. A small number of people spent the winter at the coastal sites to guard the farmers' property.It was only when traffic became "two-way", when interested parties from outside wanted to share the trade and contacts of the Gotlanders, that the harbours grew in the role of marketplaces. In the archaeological material from Visby there are objects from Finland, Estonia, and the Baltic, which are dated to the mid-eleventh century. The non-Gotlandic objects mark a turning point, but this need not mean that the town had become permanently settled in the sense that the landowners moved in and became full-time town-dwellers.In the first half of the eleventh century, we can assume on the basis of Guta Saga that the first church that was allowed to stand unburnt was built in Visby. At this time there may have been Christianized foreigners or Gotlanders who supported the building project.How should we describe Visby in its oldest form? Adolf Schück (1926:4) tried to define the concept of "town" thus: pre-1350 towns he described as "built-up settlements, whose inhabitants, on account of their shared commercial interests, form a social unit in an economic or a judicial sense or in both senses". The definition fits Visby, as well as other harbour and trading sites along the coast of Gotland from the Vendel Period onwards.According to Hans Andersson (1971:39), the concept of "urbanization" is more appropriate than that of "town" for the older periods of Scandinavia's medieval history, since "town" is primarily associated with the judicial status of a borough.The concept of urbanization is defined as "what happens when people come together in certain places, with a consequent concentration of settlement and the growth of differentiated spheres of activity" (Andersson 1979:6). According to this definition, Visby can be described as an urbanized settlement throughout the Viking Ages.The urbanization process can be divided into the following phases on the basis of the material presented here:1) The latter part of the seventh century. Increased utilization of the coastal strip below the cliff, with some simple settlement (not yet found), with distinct burial areas. The harbour is used by a number of farms in the vicinity of Visby.2) The Viking Age. The land along the shore is regulated and divided between the members of the harbour partnership. More farms join as other landing places lose their importance as commercial harbours. On the lots are built houses of wood and wattle and daub, running in rows down to the harbour. Visby harbour is used intensively during the sailing season.Rich grave goods from the Kopparvik grave field as well as 40-50 treasure hoards in the Visby area and the surrounding parishes, testify to the prosperity.A few people now spend the winter in Visby.3) The start of the eleventh century. A church is built beside the harbour settlem
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| 5. |
- Granberg, Jan, 1933-
(författare)
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Gården i den förindustriella staden : en studie i stadsbebyggelsens regionala variationer
- 1984
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This investigation, entitled The Farm in the Pre-Industrial Town: A Study of Regional Variations in Town Buildings, is based on information from approximately 1,400 fire-insurance policies taken out by farms in 72 Swedish towns in 1828. The aim is to present an overall view of the buildings in Swedish towns as regards their structure and the materials used at the beginning of the nineteenth century.By making a horizontal section through the time-axis at the year 1828, regional variations in buildings come to the fore. The material in the investigation is subject to the same limitations as the inventories of buildings and other documentation made in the past few decades. This material must be arranged in groups with the aid of a code or a nomenclature if it is desired to describe the general characteristics of the buildings based on information from a large number of fire-insurance policies rather than concentrate, as earlier research did, on the qualitative aspect of local history with special reference to particular monuments and buildings. The former alternative was chosen in this work, in which the frequency and distribution of various kinds of building materials and structures in different towns and regions have been compared.Only a few farms have the farmhouse itself set back some way from the street - the so-called ’older town-farm’ as described in earlier research.Of the 1,438 farms in which it has been possible to determine how many storeys the farmhouse had, 477 were of one storey. The remainder had two, with the exception of a small number that were three-storey buildings. Even though tiles were the most common form of roofing in the country taken as a whole, turf was equally common in dwelling-houses in Bergslagen. In Norrland, roofs of birch-bark took over this role. Finally, the information contained in these fire-insurance policies indicates that, at the time when the descriptions were made, dwelling-houses with walls of unpainted timber were as common as those in which the timber walls had a façade of plank treated with iron-oxide wash.
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| 7. |
- Åhman, Eva, 1942-
(författare)
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Växjö
- 1983
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The aim of the project: This report on the situation of urban archaeology in Växjö is written as part of the project The Medieval Town: Implications of Early Urbanization for Modem Planning, under the auspices of Riksantikvarieämbetet och Statens historiska museer. The aim of the project is to make a detailed survey and documentation of the situation of urban archaeology and its implications for physical planning and make a scholarly evaluation of the uncovered material. The project deals mainly with those places which obtained town rights in the formal legal sense during the Middle Ages.The arrangement of the report: Chapters 1 and 2 give an account of a number of data which in various ways are important for the early development of the town. The information is collected from available literature (mainly as regards documentary material) as well as from primary material in the archives (archaeological data, records from borings). In the firstmentioned case no attempt has been made to correct possible faults through independent research. As regards the archaeological material, the aim has been to include all archaeological observations, even if for different reasons this has not always been possible.One important aim during work on the report has been to appraise and evaluate the archaeological material and to what extent it throws light on essential problems concerning urban history. The basic idea is that archaeological material can provide information about chronology, function, social structure and economic bases. The material has been arranged on the assumption that the form of settlement which took place and is reflected in the archaeological material is the result of a functional adaption to certain decisive prerequisites such as topography, communications, and economical-geographical conditions.The data have been chosen and structured on this basis. The selection gives both a general view of the available material concerning the development of the medieval town and a basis for further work on this material. This in turn will provide a foundation for the antiquarian evaluation in relation to future work.The English summary gives a broad outlineof the contents, mainly based on the maps of the report. [...]
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
- Rosborn, Sven, 1949-
(författare)
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Malmö : den medeltida staden och dess omland
- 1984
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Chapter 1: This chapter gives a general historical and geographical background to the town of Malmö. The urban community was preceded by a farming village, Upper Malmö, situated at a distance of some kilometres from the coast of Öresund. Upper Malmö belonged to the culture area of the fertile plain called Söderslätt. Here the medieval churches were numerous and with regard to population density it counted among the most important regions in Denmark at that time. Upper Malmö is first mentioned in the 1170s when it was a village with a church. It occurs in the records for the last time in 1415.The town of Malmö grew up on some large banks of sand at the coast. The coastal community is first mentioned in the Norwegian King Häkon Håkonssons s saga of 1259. In 1269 a church in the coastal community is recorded. There is reference to the "burghers" of Malmö in 1275. There were royal sheriffs in the town in 1294 but even earlier, in 1284-85, the King s man in Malmö is mentioned. In the 1310s the church of St Peter and St Paul began to be built; a church which as regards size and architecture has few counterparts in Scandinavia. This shows that in the early 14th century Malmö had developed from next to nothing to one of the most important merchant towns in slightly over fifty years.Malmö has been spared from war ravages in historical times and as a result a surprisingly large number of medieval records have been preserved judging by Nordic standars. Up to 1500 the documentary evidence amounts to around 600 items, including 28 royal letters. However, the records do not give a total picture of the town until the end of the 16th and the 17th centuries. In 1692 a very thorough survey of all existing buildings was made. Through preserved taxation records of 1517, 1518, and 1519, the so called "Lyder van Fredens magistratic accounts" it is nevertheless possible to get a good socio-economic picture of the town and its population at the end of the Middle Ages.The earliest perspective representation of Malmö was drawn in the 1580s. The earliest map was made in 1652 and the first land maps showing the distribution of fields and meadows dates from 1697. In the 18th century the growth of Malmö stagnated, largely as a result of its lack of a proper harbour. In the 19th century the large expansion of Malmö in modern times began and to-day it is the third largest town in Sweden.Chapter 2: This chapter contains a catalogue of specific elements in the town area of medieval Malmö. The numbers given in the headings refer to the map, fig. 8. Nos 1-15 account for ecclesiastical buildings and institutions. In spite of its city-like character in the Middle Ages Malmö had only one medieval parish church. Other ecclesiastical institutions known to have existed in the medieval town are three monasteries, one leper-house, one grammar-school, and several chapels.Nos 16 -19 show the municipal buildings, that is the old and the new town hall, and the customshouse. Nos 20 -33 show the location of medieval assembly-rooms, that is the buildings of the merchants and artisans guilds. Nos 34 -104 indicate brick buildings in private possession. Compared with other Nordic medieval towns Malmö had a very large number of brick houses. A comparatively large number of these houses still remain in a fragmentary condition.Nos 113 -130 show the medieval defence work towards the sea. In the 15th century a strong shore wall, running from Västerport to Österport, began to be built. The wall was three bricks wide and approximately five metres thick. Nos 131 140 mark the medieval defences on the landward side.The medieval market-place and thing-stead were situated in the street now called Östergatan to the north of the church of St Peter. Nos 144 -148 refer to the medieval brick-works which existed in Malmö and are mentioned in the written sources. One of these has been archaeologically excavated in modern times (no. 147). Finally, nos 149 -152 show the medieval baths which are known through the preserved records.Chapter 3: An account is given of numerous archaeological data concerning the town area of medieval Malmö. In the early 1970s the Ancient Monuments Act began to be successfully applied in Malmö. Between 1974 och 1983 just over 160 scientific investigations have taken place within the medieval town area. This means that Malmö is counted among the Nordic towns where most archaeological excavations have taken place. To-day there are 25 permanently appointed archaeologists who only work on excavations in the urban district of Malmö, that is apart from the medieval town also an adjoining wider area.On the map fig. 12 the original ground level of the town area has been marked. It has been possible to make a very detailed study due to the richness of the archaeological material. The greatest depth of the culture layer is c. 3.5 metres. The map fig. 13 shows the present building structure of the city centre. Only where there are low houses could early habiation layers still survive.Chapter 4: The archaeological activity is discussed in this chapter. The table on page 47 gives a rather shattering idea of how much archaeological evidence has been lost through the lack of archaeological control of ground work in Malmö. A certain amount of source criticism is presented in view of the sometimes too optimistic view of the possibilities for archaeology to add new objective facts to our historical knowledge.Chapter 5-7: As Malmö Museum has spent more than 15 years continuously carrying out archaeological excavations in the old farming villages surrounding the medieval town, it is natural to add to the report on the medieval town a study of the 28 medieval farming villages in the urban district of Malmö. Chapter 5-7 account for this study of the hinterland.For each farming village a catalogue is given of all the preserved medieval records as well as a catalogue of all excavations concerning the medieval period in the settlement area. The last mentioned information is accounted for through special maps showing these settlements to-day with an addition of the old farming settlement as known from preserved 18th century maps.Chapter 6: presents some views on medieval archaeology in the old farming village with reference to the large practical experience of Malmö Museum in this field. It also gives an account of the very meagre factual material we possess at present as regards the medieval farming villages. It is high time to start systematic excavations of medieval farming villages in Sweden so as not to risk the loss of invaluable historical evidence.Finally chapter 7 contains comments on the foldout map which has been included in the present publication. A large number of historical features, collected from the land surveyour's maps of the 18th century have been transferred to a map of modern Malmö. The old farms, roads, parish and village boundaries, visible ancient monuments etc. have been marked. The production of this map has been made possible through a map project which is in progress at Malmö Museum.
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| 10. |
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