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- Bengtsson, Åsa, 1967-
(författare)
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Nyktra kvinnor : Folkbildare, företagare och politiska aktörer. Vita Bandet 1900-1930
- 2011
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In this thesis the female Christian temperance union the White Ribbon is in focus. The White Ribbon was founded in Stockholm in 1900 and it was part of the international organization World’s Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WWCTU). The organization’s ambition was to create a temperate and moral society, running a variety of philanthropic institutions and adult education, as well as non-alcohol serving restaurants.The aim of the thesis is to study the White Ribbon’s social and political commitment and its ideological approach during the first three decades of the 20th century. The White Ribboners’ ideological approach and culture are problematized in relation to the prevailing and predominant view on women. The organization’s monthly journal has been closely studied and the ideas and practical social and political commitment have been analyzed in a theoretical perspective of social movement theory, according to the Swedish sociologist Håkan Thörn’s methodological framework. This theoretical approach is an instrument to analyze what the White Ribbon identified to be social problems; what was considered to be the reasons for these problems; and what strategy the organization regarded to be the best way to deal with them in order to reach the prognosticated change.The analysis shows that the White Ribbon identified the predominant gender system and the bourgeois view on women as a primary social problem. The organization’s strategy was to eliminate the patriarchal order of the gender system and to change the attitude of people through adult education, information and persuasion. The White Ribbon participated in public debate pursuing temperance and women’s suffrage, and was a lobbyist proposing motions and demanding legislative reforms. The White Ribbon’s ideological approach, as well as their philanthropic activities emanated from a bourgeois ideal of conscientiousness and cultivation, and from an interest in social politics. This was in contrast to the bourgeois view of what the ideal woman should do. From the White Ribboners’ point of view, society could only prosper when women had the same rights as men, and could participate the public sphere and become involved in politics.The study shows that the organization worked hard for equality and democracy, pursuing a feminist and liberal ideology. The White Ribboners regarded themselves, and also acted, as political agents. They introduced and increased women’s possibilities for adult education. They initiated and provided social protection for alcohol addicted women, and for poor and fallen women and girls. These activities must be seen as forms of enterprises and the White Ribboners as entrepreneurs, since these institutions were, in fact, innovations and models for solving problems in order to build a welfare system and to create a temperate and prosperous society. The thesis put forward arguments that the White Ribbon’s social and political work are political innovations and important elements in the process of democratization and, therefore, played an important part in this process.
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Det röda Lund
- 1998
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 6. |
- Hallberg, Mathilda
(författare)
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Barn till beskådan : Familj, välfärdsstat och nation i fototävlingar och fotoböcker 1930-1944
- 2017
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- I fokus för den här avhandlingen står åskådningskulturen under 1930- och 40-talen, närmare bestämt fototävlingar och fotoböcker med bilder på barn som bärande element. Den här studien granskar hur fototävlingar och fotoböcker var en del i förhandlingen om välfärdens organisering rörande barn och familj. I studien undersöks hur familj, välfärdsstat och nation konstruerades genom representationer av barn, vilka budskap som därigenom etablerades och vilka politiska visioner som kommunicerades. Analyser av bilder och texter visar att fototävlingar och fotoböcker presenterade ett enhetligt budskap om att det behövdes fler och bättre barn, men också hur fototävlingar och fotoböcker förmedlade skilda visioner om hur detta skulle uppnås. Studien bidrar till att synliggöra hur användbara representationer av barn var i bygget av välfärden. De hade potential att förmedla både skilda och gemensamma visioner om välfärdssamhället.
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| 7. |
- Hedén, Anne, 1959-
(författare)
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Röd stjärna över Sverige : Folkrepubliken Kina som resurs i den svenska vänsterradikaliseringen under 1960- och 1970-talen
- 2008
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The aim of this study is to assess and analyze the image of revolutionary China in the eyes of Swedish left wing travelers and activists during the heyday of Maoism, and how these traveler’s and activist’s reports and texts were used to promote friendship activism with China. Of particular interest is how the euphoric view of China in the west, during the Cultural revolution, was promoted and also the reasons behind the Swedish Friendship Associations strong enthusiasm for this task.The analytical approach is influenced by Bourdieu’s field theory and central concepts like cultural and social capital, with the foremost intent of studying the motivation behind The New Left quest for utopias and the creation of these utopias.The empirical study is focused on the archive material of the Swedish-Chinese Friendship Association, SKF/SKVF, and the main Swedish Maoist party KFML/Skp, and on literature and press articles on China during the period 1952-1979, with emphasis on the years between 1966 and 1979.Contributing strongly to the positive image of China that developed in the western world from the mid sixties onwards was the notion that the Chinese people were creating a new brand of socialism. The Swedish Maoist sphere and the Friendship Association continually produced friendship travelers reports on what was regarded, by the Maoists and friends of China, as a fully developed revolutionary example. The KFML/Skp and Swedish-Chinese Friendship association were, during the late sixties and the early seventies, very close in their respective interpretation of the Chinese Cultural Revolution as a democratic and grassroot-oriented political process.Even in broader circles than the new left, China was during this period regarded as a most progressive third world country.The Swedish-Chinese Friendship Association was, up to the mid seventies a natural part of the Swedish New Left movements where solidarity with China became a way of making an argument for a future Swedish socialist society. Friendship with China could on different levels provide various forms of social and cultural capital in the ongoing struggle for the precedence of interpretation in the left wing-field during the 1960s and 1970s period.In the mid seventies the Swedish friends of China and the Maoist sphere rallied behind the Chinese foreign policy doctrine of the three worlds, (supermaktsteorin). Now the Maoists, and the Friendship Association defended the Chinese position that World War III loomed, and that the Soviet Union would be the most aggressive part in this war. Information about China which did not emanate from the Chinese network was regarderd by the Swedish Friendship Association and by the Maoist sphere as manufactured and directed by the political opponents of the People’s Republic.The effort to be close to the Chinese network was in the Swedish Maoist and Friendship sphere thus as important during the late 1970s as during the most intense period of the Cultural Revolution, 1966-1969.My conclusion is that the contacts with the Chinese carried some weight in these organisations and therefore had a defining importance for the leaderships position within the Friendship Association.Another conclusion is that Maoism in Sweden did not disappear from the political arena foremost, as some debaters and historians have alleged, because of the end of left wing radicalization during the late seventies, or even as a reaction towards the by this time more obviously complicated Chinese politics.Instead, the Friendship Association had for years invested in their trust in the Chinese leadership, and in the reciprocal but not necessarily equal exchange of favours, services and information. This trust, loyalty and conviction left the leading Swedish Maoist organisations and also the Friendship Association outside of the left wing socialist field in the late 1970s, and one can indeed also argue that the Maoists, and the Friendship Association actively stepped out of this arena as a part of their loyalty towards China.When they disappeared from the field of left wing politics a considerable part of this field to the left of the traditional worker's movement also disappeared.Because of the alignment with the Chinese policy – which involved creating the greatest possible goodwill for China within the Swedish establishment and also an alignment to the Chinese doctrine on the supposedly imminent World War III - the Maoists and the friends of China voluntarily excluded themselves from the Left Wing arena. Because of the increased traveling to China during this period, the Friendship Association continued to function, albeit not as a activist organization. The KFML/Skp however, was by this time, in a state of decline.
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- Hedling, Erik, et al.
(författare)
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Representation av tid i 1864 : historia, politik och debatt
- 2017
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Ingår i: Tiden : Symposier på Krapperups borg nr 10 - Symposier på Krapperups borg nr 10. - 9789170612046 ; , s. 81-95
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Study of the representation of time in the Danish TV-series 1864. The chapter refers to both the production and the reception of the series.
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| 9. |
- Hessérus, Mattias, 1977-
(författare)
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Rätten till privatlivet : och moralen bakom omoralen i svensk press 1920 – 1980
- 2016
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis examines the development of the notion of the right to privacy in Sweden between 1920 and 1980. The formation of the notion of the right to privacy is studied through the debate concerning exposure of the aspect of privacy that can be considered the most sensitive: the individual’s sex life and intimate relations.The theoretical framework is based on the sociologist Ferdinand Tönnies’ concepts of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft (community and association). The thesis pays particular attention to privacy in relation to the development of the “media society” during the 20th century.Three significant shifts in the Swedish history of privacy during the 20th century are identified and examined: The boycott of the muck-raking paper Fäderneslandet (“The Fatherland”) in 1927, the introduction of “the sanctity of private life” in the rules of the Swedish Publicists’ Association in 1953 and the appointment of the Integrity Protection Committee in 1966.Key findings are: The notion of right to privacy in Sweden evolves in four phases: The first phase (1920 – 1953) is characterized by a paradoxical relationship to privacy following the division between “decent” and “indecent”. “Decent people” had the right to a private sphere while “indecent people” were deprived of privacy. After a viscous hunt of homosexuals in the press, in the late 1940’s, the second phase (1953 – 1964) is defined by liberalisation of the decency concept and a more restrictive press policy as regards exposure of private details relating to sexuality.A modern-day notion of right to privacy is, however, not visible in Sweden until the third phase (1964 – 1975). Yet, the fourth phase (1975 – 1980) is characterised by a backlash. Under the slogan of “the private is political” young radicals and second-wave feminists questioned the privacy concept and saw the right to privacy as a threat to community and equality. Attempts to create privacy legislation in Sweden failed due to unwillingness by the government to recognize the rights of the individual over the rights of the community.Conflicting notions of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft within society partly explains the shifting status of the right to privacy in Sweden 1920 – 1980.
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| 10. |
- Holt, Kristoffer, 1976-
(författare)
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Publicisten Ivar Harrie : ideologi, offentlighetsdebatt och idékritik i Expressen 1944-1960
- 2008
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Avhandlingen är en pionjärstudie om publicisten Ivar Harrie (1899-1973) och hans deltagande i det offentliga samtalet under främst sin tid som chefredaktör på Expressen (1944-1960). Genom att studera de första decennierna under efterkrigstidens offentliga samtal genom att framträdande debattörs texter, belyser avhandlingen central tematik från dåtidens aktuella ideologiska, politiska och kulturella problemställningar, ur ett inifrånperspektiv: Kalla kriget, synen på sexualiteten, kristendom och humansim samt bildningsfrågan. Fokus har även riktats mot Harries syn på sin roll som publicist i efterkrigstiden och hans engagemang i publicistiska frågor, framför allt yttrandefriheten.Harrie var ett viktigt inslag i dåtidens offentliga samtal men hans deltagande i debatten har inte tidigare studerats i någon vetenskaplig studie. Avhandlingen bidrar på så sätt med nya perspektiv på efterkrigstidens politiska, ideologiska och kulturella historia. I studien ingår även en tillbakablick på mellankrigstidens debatt, med särskilt fokus på Harries förhållande till de totalitära ideologierna. Materialet består huvudsakligen av Harries artiklar från Expressen-tiden, men hans övriga procuktion (essäer, böcker, översättningar osv.) har också använts.
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