| 1. |
- Rolf, Hannes, 1980-
(författare)
-
A Union for Tenants : Tenant militancy in Gothenburg as a historical example
- 2021
-
Ingår i: Radical Housing Journal. - 2632-2870. ; 3:1, s. 167-186
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The Swedish Union of Tenants is known today as perhaps the strongest tenants’ organisation in the world, with an established institutional role in the rent-setting system and a mandate to collectively bargain rents. What is relatively unknown, however, is that this system emerged out of a period of widespread rent struggle during the mid-war period. This was especially noteworthy in the city of Gothenburg. During the 19th Century, Gothenburg had become an important industrial centre and its population multiplied tenfold. Together with other groups, such as clerks and small shop owners, the workers formed a distinct popular class culture with organisational expressions and collective mobilisation that changed the social and political order of the city forever. One of these expressions was the tenants’ unions, seen as a sort of trade unions for the rented home. Tenants’ unions advocated protective legislation for tenants and confronted landlords, both with legal means and with militant methods such as rent strikes and blockades. This militancy reached its highest levels from 1932 to 1937. The collective mobilisation and organisation of the tenants altered the power relations between landlords and tenants, which can be seen both in the concessions made by landlords in numerous conflicts and in the fact that the landlords altered their organisations to defend themselves against the tenant offensive. By the time of the rent control act of 1942, centralised collective bargaining had been largely implemented and the collective organisations had become established and recognised interest organisations. The historical relationship between organised labour and tenants, and the effect of tenant organising on the rental market, are still under-researched subjects. This article is intended to both explore the historic rise of the tenants’ movement and to show the very real historical conflict between independent grassroot organisations and political parties in housing and labour history.
|
|
| 2. |
|
|
| 3. |
- Essen, Johan von
(författare)
-
The Shifting Meanings of Popular Engagement in Swedish Society
- 2019
-
Ingår i: VOLUNTAS - International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 0957-8765 .- 1573-7888. ; 30:1, s. 29-40
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The aim of this article is to contribute to the Swedish debate on popular engagement by studying changes in popular engagement in Swedish society, and particularly look for processes of depoliticisation and politicisation since the beginning of the 1990s, by asking, has popular engagement been depoliticised since the beginning of the 1990s? Popular engagement has historically had different roles and fulfilled different functions; consequently, it is a societal phenomenon with several and competing significances due to varying dominant discourses framing the understanding of popular engagement and structuring the actions of engaged citizens. Obviously, the present composite of popular engagement in Swedish society reflects Swedish history and the various present forms of engagement can be conceived as historical layers. How popular engagement has been framed, valued and understood through history is an indication of what is supposed to be needed and feasible in a particular society at a certain time. This gives popular engagement symbolic meaning that renders it political significance and power that can be studied in cultural history. The article offers a brief historical review of the symbolic meanings of popular engagement in Swedish society from the breakthrough of modernity until the present times, and it demonstrates that it has not had a fixed significance over the years. Particular attention is given to an on-going subtle change of meaning of popular engagement occurring in contemporary Swedish society. This process implies a break with the popular mass movement tradition.
|
|
| 4. |
|
|
| 5. |
|
|
| 6. |
- Scott, Carl-Gustaf
(författare)
-
'Sweden Might Be a Haven, But It's Not Heaven’ : American War Resisters in Sweden During the Vietnam War
- 2015
-
Ingår i: Immigrants & Minorities. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0261-9288 .- 1744-0521. ; 33:3, s. 205-230
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article examines the experience of the 1000 or so Americans who sought refuge fromtheVietnamWar in Sweden betweenApril 1967 andMarch 1973. At the time the public discussion surrounding thesemenwas not easily disentangled from the larger political debate being waged between the right and left about the war, and such polemics ultimately distorted the media’s reporting on the exiles. Above all, this politicised coverage exaggerated the war resisters’ adjustment problems in Sweden, and it also obscured the reality that many of the challenges that these men faced in exile were common to those of most newly arrived immigrant groups in Sweden during this period.
|
|
| 7. |
- Christiansson, Elisabeth, 1965-
(författare)
-
Diakoni, utopi och genus
- 2019
-
Ingår i: Kan barmhärtigheten institutionaliseras?. - Skellefteå : Artos & Norma bokförlag. - 9789177771098 ; , s. 61-89
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
|
|
| 8. |
- Sköld, Johanna, 1976-, et al.
(författare)
-
Historical justice through redress schemes? : The practice of interpreting the law and physical child abuse in Sweden
- 2020
-
Ingår i: Scandinavian Journal of History. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0346-8755 .- 1502-7716. ; 45:2, s. 178-201
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The Swedish redress scheme intended for victims of historical child abuse in out-of-home care compensated only 46% of claimants who sought economic compensation for past harms. This article explores the reasons behind this comparatively low validation rate by investigating a) how the eligibility criteria of the Redress Act were evaluated by the Redress Board; and b) the justifications and underlying values used when applications were rejected with reference to the fact that reported abuse was not deemed to be sufficiently severe according to past standards. Victim capital, which determines how vulnerable or credible a victim is perceived to be by others, as well as competence and narration, are essential aspects for this type of legal proceeding. The article demonstrates that the claimants had to traverse a complicated web of criteria to be awarded compensation. The outcomes for claimants were affected by how the past was conceptualized in this legal setting, what competences the victims themselves possessed, what competence and resources the administrative system offered, and the extent to which the decision-making process fragmented victims’ narratives.
|
|
| 9. |
- Sköld, Johanna, 1976-, et al.
(författare)
-
När välfärdssamhället gör fel : De vanvårdade och upprättelsens gränser
- 2021
-
Ingår i: Arbetarhistoria. - Huddinge, Sweden : Arbetarrörelsens arkiv och bibliotek. - 0281-7446. ; 179-180:3-4, s. 92-101
-
Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This article addresses the Swedish state’s process to provide redress for historical abuse in out-of-home care. The aim is to illuminate how the current state’s responsibility for past child abuse is negotiated in such processes. In Sweden, a temporary financial redress scheme was in effect 2013-16, which compensated fewer than every second applicant. The article demonstrates that the political ambition to recognize symbolically and acknowledge the victims’ suffering and the past society's betrayal of them resulted in unintended consequences when translated into a legal bureaucratic process. The logic of a court assessment is based not on recognition but on establishing legal liability. In the end, redress came to focus on what the state could be deemed responsible for in the past and how modern legal principles could be harmonized with a compensation scheme designed to compensate those for wrongdoings which cannot be redressed by current tort law.
|
|
| 10. |
- Rolf, Hannes, 1980-
(författare)
-
En fackförening för hemmen : Kollektiv mobilisering, hyresgästorganisering och maktkamp på hyresmarknaden i Stockholm och Göteborg 1875–1942
- 2020
-
Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis is a study of the collective mobilisation and organisation of tenants in Gothenburg and Stockholm between 1875 and 1942. Of special interest are the power relations and the power struggle between the landlords and the organised tenants in the same period. The similarities and differences between the tenants’ movement in Gothenburg and Stockholm played an important role in the historical process and both cities thus need to be studied and compared to each other. The concept of contentious repertoire, developed mainly in the works of Charles Tilly and Sidney Tarrow, is used to explain the methods employed by the tenants in their collective mobilisation. Other important factors considered in the thesis are the opportunity structures available and the periods of international radicalisation where the rent struggle also seems to have intensified worldwide. Both the Swedish organised landlords and tenants modelled their organisations after labour market organisation and both parties came to understand their relation as part of a class struggle. A concept borrowed from Klas Åmark, exchangeability, will be used to illustrate an important factor – the harder it was for a landlord to replace a tenant with another tenant, the better the tenants’ position. The tenants’ unions knew this and tried with militant means as well as with advocacy for tenants’ rights and increased housing construction to make it harder for the landlords to replace their tenants. Episodes of tenant militancy were frequent, in Gothenburg especially between 1923 and 1937 and in Stockholm especially between 1928 and 1936. The collective mobilisation and organisation of the tenants did alter the power relations between landlords and tenants, which can be seen both in the concessions made by landlords in numerous conflicts and in the fact that the landlords altered their organisations to defend themselves against the tenant offensive. By the end of the period, centralised collective bargaining had been largely implemented. Other strategies aimed at reducing the exchangeability were also used by the tenants. Tenant housing cooperative enterprises, first seen as a form of protest action and as an alternative to privately owned housing, eventually took on more centralised form in the organisation HSB. The close ties between HSB and the tenants’ unions gave the latter some economical backing and the former some additional legitimacy. By the end of the research period, the idea of large-scale municipal housing had taken over the role the idea of cooperative housing once had, and even though HSB was to play an important part in the post-war housing projects it would be reduced to a secondary position. When it comes to new legislation, the rent law of 1939 did little to alter the power relations,even though it did recognise the tenants’ movement as the natural representative for the tenants’ cause. The 1942 rent act, however, did give the tenants some leverage but it also overrode the system of collective bargaining that had been worked out by the tenants and landlords. All in all, the directactions, the housing production and the new legislation reduced the exchangeability of the tenants and altered the power relations in favour of the tenants.
|
|
