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- Sanner, Inga
(författare)
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Något helt annat?
- 2008
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Ingår i: Hermeneutik, didaktik och teologi.
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 2. |
- Ohlsson, Anna, 1974-
(författare)
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Myt och manipulation : Radikal psykiatrikritik i svensk offentlig idédebatt 1968-1973
- 2008
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The aim of the present thesis is to study radical criticism of psychiatry in public discussion in Sweden between 1968 and 1973. Although it was not the first time psychiatry had been challenged, the debate during these years displayed an unprecedented intensity. What is mental illness – a myth, an etiquette, an illusion? Is psychiatry a means of social control? Such were the questions raised at the time. In my thesis, I study the contexts as well as the arguments of these discussions. To this end, a great variety of sources have been consulted: books, newspapers, magazines, films etc.In part, the Swedish debate on psychiatry ran parallel to international discussions on the topic, which have been regarded as a manifestation of anti-psychiatry. This standpoint is often associated with psychiatrists such as R. D. Laing, David Cooper and Thomas Szasz. In my thesis, I challenge the concept of anti-psychiatry, arguing that other concepts are better suited to capture the diversity of the debate in all its nuances. Thus, I make use of radical and reformatory criticism – concepts which have been suggested by the sociologist Tommy Svensson – while also seeking to develop them further.In addition to the international perspective, the psychiatry debate must also be interpreted in its specifically Swedish context. One aspect of this is the Swedish tradition of Government Official Reports: psychiatry had been subject to many investigations prior to the debate in the 1960s and 1970s, and others would follow in its wake. Another characteristic feature of the Swedish debate is two events that formed very suitable targets for critique: Sociopatutredningen and Mentalhälsokampanjen. These events seemed to confirm the most farreaching concerns of the radical critics, namely that psychiatry is a means of social control.
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| 4. |
- Lång, Henrik, 1972-
(författare)
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Drömmen om det ouppnåeliga : anarkistiska tankelinjer hos Hinke Bergegren, Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg och Einar Håkansson
- 2007
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the political thought of Hinke Bergegren (1861-1936), Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg (1864-1929) and Einar Håkansson (1883-1907), by focusing particularly on their articulation of anarchist ideas. The disseration follows these three Swedish left-wing thinkers closely, while specifically tracing ideological patterns in their published material, public discussions, speeches and other political activities. The study attempts to combine the perspective of intellectual biography with a contextualising approach on ideological analysis. Bergegren, Henriksson-Holmberg and Håkansson stand as illuminating examples of how anarchist ideas could take form at the advent of the twentieth century in Sweden. They were all connected to the working class movement, and participated actively in the public debate about anarchism and its various aspects. This larger political and cultural context is also presented, and put in relation to Bergegren's, Henriksson-Holmberg's and Håkanssons' actions and ideas. Thereby, the study examines certain lines of thought connected to the anarchist ideology, and at the same time find traits in the history of libertarian socialism in Sweden, as reflected in the ideas embraced by the three aforementioned historical actors. From the start Henrik "Hinke" Bergegren - the agitator, writer and journalist who is the principal character in the dissertations first major part - was highly controversial within the social democratic movement. From the early 1890's and up to his final exclusion from the Social Democratic Party in 1908, he was constantly being accused of leading and informal anarchist subdivision, which recommended acts of terror and strived for a social revolution. However, this study confronts and modifies that notion. It concludes that Hinke Bergegren's ideological position during the 1890's cannot be equaled to a clear anarchist conviction; rather, he criticized the party's strong focus on parliamentary tactics from a revolutionary socialist viewpoint. Einar Håkansson, on the other hand, based his critique of authorities, military power, parliamentary governance and private property upon anarchist principles. In several poems and short stories, Håkansson stated his anti-authoritarianism. He was also an early advocate for anarcho-syndicalism. Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg, the anarchist theoretician, was always anxious to emphasize the importance of avoiding all forms of large-scale political and economical solutions. This position, along with a deep-rooted individualism and a willingness to integrate social theory and political propaganda, characterized Holmberg's political thought from the 1890's and onward. His antipathy against brutal revolutionary tendencies was as solid as his critique of ideological dogmatism. In conclusion, the anarchist lines of thought articulated by the three principal characters in the thesis intersects at several points. They all agreed that private property and capitalism must be abolished and replaced by voluntary forms of cooperation. Furthermore, they expressed a similar disbelief in parliamentary tactics, the military and party bureaucracy.
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| 5. |
- Björkman, John, 1978-
(författare)
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"Må de herrskande klasserna darra" : Radikal retorik och reaktion i Stockholms press, 1848-1851
- 2020
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This dissertation explores the formation of the modern historiography of class in mid-nineteenth century Sweden by analyzing constitutive rhetoric of class in the Stockholm press from 1848 to 1851. The aim is to study how disparaged workers during the February Revolution in France began to be ascribed a new kind of unified agency, and how workers in Stockholm became recipients of mobilizing appeals from all parts of the political spectrum. To this end the dissertation examines periodical papers representing the three major political positions of the period, i.e. a royalist conservative press, liberal papers in opposition, and a newly emerging socialist press. How were workers described, invoked and addressed as a new kind of community of political interest and action in these publications?Refuting perspectives of socio-economic determinism, this study adopts a conception of belonging and agency that views political communities as discursively produced by the creation of subject positions and the interpellation of individuals to them. The study is also influenced by recent re-evaluations of the category of the event associated with poststructuralism, and analyzes operations of constitutive rhetoric in forming a new symbolic field of class identity and agency in an open-ended and multivalent historical situation.The analysis shows how workers were construed as political agents in the Stockholm press during the mid-nineteenth century turmoil by being described, invoked and addressed within the framework of four main rival narratives. The socialist press tried to evoke a self-organizing working class within a collectivist narrative of labour’s liberation and universal male suffrage. The liberal press interpellated workers to a position aligned with the reformist middle class within a narrative of individual self-determination and gradual improvement. The royalist narrative of reconciliation was aimed at separating the large mass of workers from socialist and communist ideologues, deemed as mischievous outsiders, while at the same time offering them a new-found and prominent role as protectors of social harmony and peace. Only within the royalist narrative of catastrophe were the workers continuously excluded from mobilizing appeals, instead being invoked as the harbingers of an approaching communist revolution, against which all other sections of society should unite.
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- Burman, Anders, 1971-
(författare)
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Politik i sak : C.J.L. Almqvists samhällstänkande 1839-1851
- 2005
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis concerns the political ideas of the Swedish author, journalist and thinker Carl Jonas Love Almqvist (1793–1866). The main source material consists of his theoretical works and the slightly more than 700 articles that he wrote for newspapers such as Aftonbladet and Jönköpingsbladet between 1839 and 1851. The study consists of an introduction and ten chapters dealing with various aspects of Almqvist’s political thinking, among them his view of man, history, religion and educational policy as well as his commitment to the Scandinavist movement and his standpoint in the question of the Swedish representative system.The dissertation shows that Almqvist had well-reasoned ideas in all these areas and that he argued from a liberal point of view throughout. He was a political reformist who emphasized individualism, freedom and tolerance. He also had confidence in man’s ability to decide his own destiny and a negative attitude towards the old privilege society and all kinds of institutions regarded as irrational. In addition, he believed that society becomes more and more democratic and that in the long run all adults, even women, servants and unpropertied, should become citizens with political rights, even if it was still not time for a truly democratic system. So even if Almqvist had an ideal of a consistent democracy with universal suffrage, he did not consider the society of his day to be ready for such a reform. First, the people have to raise their level of political awareness and learn what a democratic form of government really implies. In that process the educational system, the press and political associations may have an important function.Almqvist always tried to combine his utopian visions with concrete reform proposals. He did not only dream of a utopian society; he also tried to show some possible paths towards attaining that society. Besides the utopian feature in his political thinking, there is an unmistakable striving after concreteness and a desire to exert an influence on the contemporary society.
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