| 1. |
- Agevall, Lena, et al.
(författare)
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Albert O. Hisrchmans liv och verk
- 2008
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Ingår i: Sorti eller protest. - : Arkiv Förlag, Lund. ; , s. 7-12, s. 7-12
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 2. |
- Ikegami, Masako, 1961-
(författare)
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‘A Historical Examination on the Decision-making Process of the Use of Nuclear Weapons’ : a Japan-US International Workshop ‘Reducing Threats posted by Nuclear Weapons: Possible Cooperation between Japan and the United States’, co-organized by Center for Global Partnership, Pugwash USA, Pugwash Japan, Institute for International Studies, Meiji-Gakuin University, Tokyo, 24-25 January 2009
- 2009
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Ingår i: ‘Reducing Threats posted by Nuclear Weapons: Possible Cooperation between Japan and the United States’. - Tokyo : Meiji-Gakuin University Institute for International Studies. ; , s. 61-78
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 3. |
- Lalander, Rickard, 1964-
(författare)
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Los Indígenas y la Revolución Ciudadana : Rupturas y alianzas en Cotacachi y Otavalo
- 2009
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Ingår i: Ecuador Debate. - Quito : Centro Andino de Acción Popular/CAAP. ; :77, s. 185-218
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Las victorias de Rafael Correa y su Movimiento PAIS (Patria Altiva y Soberana), en las elecciones presidenciales de 2006 y 2009, han afectado duramente tanto al movimiento indígena ecuatoriano como a sus principales organizaciones. Se analiza el “efecto” Correa en Otavalo y Cotacachi poniendo atención en los actores políticos locales sus estrategias, alianzas y rupturas organizativas. Los procesos políticos locales tienen su propia dinámica, existen raíces y relaciones históricas entre los diferentes actores sociales y políticos que incluyen antiguos vínculos con la izquierda.
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| 4. |
- Hasic, Tigran, 1969-
(författare)
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Reconstruction planning in post-conflict zones : Bosnia and Herzegovina and the international community
- 2004
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The history of mankind has been plagued by an almost continuous chain of various armed conflicts - local, regional, national and global - that have caused horrendous damage to the social and physical fabric of cities. The tragedy of millions deprived by war still continues. This study sets out to understand the nature of reconstruction after war in the light of recent armed conflicts. It attempts to catalogue and discuss the tasks involved in the process of reconstruction planning by establishing a conceptual framework of the main issues in the reconstruction process. The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina is examined in detail and on the whole acts as the leit-motif of the whole dissertation and positions reconstruction in the broader context of sustainable development. The study is organized into two parts that constitute the doctoral aggregate dissertation – a combining of papers with an introductory monograph. In this case the introductory monograph is an extended one and there are six papers that follow. Both sections can be read on their own merits but also constitute one entity.The rebuilding of war-devastated countries and communities can be seen as a series of nonintegrated activities carried out (and often imposed) by international agencies and governments, serving political and other agendas. The result is that calamities of war are often accompanied by the calamities of reconstruction without any regard to sustainable development. The body of knowledge related to post-conflict reconstruction lacks a strong and cohesive theory. In order to better understand the process of reconstruction we present a qualitative inquiry based on the Grounded Theory Method developed originally by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss (1967). This approach utilizes a complex conceptualization with empirical evidence to produce theoretical structure. The results of process have evolved into the development of a conceptual model, called SCOPE (Sustainable Communities in Post-conflict Environments).This study proposes both a structure within which to examine post-conflict reconstruction and provides an implementation method. We propose to use the SCOPE model as a set of strategy, policy and program recommendations to assist the international community and all relevant decision-makers to ensure that the destruction and carnage of war does not have to be followed by a disaster of post-conflict reconstruction. We also offer to provide a new foundation and paradigm on post-conflict reconstruction, which incorporates and integrates a number of approaches into a multidisciplinary and systems thinking manner in order to better understand the complexity and dependencies of issues at hand. We believe that such a systems approach could better be able to incorporate the complexities involved and would offer much better results than the approaches currently in use.The final section of this study returns to the fact that although it is probably impossible to produce universal answers, we desperately need to find commonalities amongst different postconflict reconstruction settings in order to better deal with the reconstruction planning in a more dynamic, proactive, and sustainable manner.
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| 5. |
- Doeser, Fredrik
(författare)
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In Search of Security After the Collapse of the Soviet Union : Foreign Policy Change in Denmark, Finland and Sweden, 1988-1993
- 2008
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The aim of this study is to explain the evolution of foreign policy in Denmark, Finland and Sweden with regard to Western security cooperation between 1988 and 1993. The study sets out to test two theoretical perspectives on the security cooperation policies of these three small states. The external political perspective is based on the idea that foreign policy is determined by the challenges of a state’s external political environment. The domestic political perspective is based on the idea that phenomena at the domestic level of the state have an impact on how governments cope with external constraints. The primary theoretical ambition is to integrate the findings from these two analyses in order to further an understanding of the mechanisms of foreign policy change in small states.In order to study the relationship between the environment and foreign policy change, the author applies a perceptual approach, which means that his intention is to explain foreign policy action on the basis of the perceptions actors have of the environment.The author draws a number of conclusions with regard to the mechanisms of foreign policy change. First, a perceptual approach is needed in order to analyze a state’s specific responses to international political change. Second, domestic factors are not only important for foreign policy in general but also for the evolution of security cooperation policy in small states under conditions of fundamental shift in the international system. Third, it is possible to attribute some degree of relative explanatory power to external factors and to assign a range of different roles to domestic factors. Fourth, governments of Western democratic small states pay relatively equal attention to external and domestic considerations when making their foreign policies. However, depending on the situation, the relative potency of external and domestic factors can vary.
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| 6. |
- Jedenheim-Edling, Magnus, 1960-
(författare)
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The compatibility of effective self-ownership and joint world ownership
- 2003
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The three main conclusions of this doctoral thesis are: first, that effective self-ownership is compatible with joint world ownership; second, that it is incompatible with private ownership as expressed in right-libertarianism; third, that it is incompatible with private ownership as expressed in left-libertarianism. Effective self-ownership is a technical way of expressing personal freedom, and joint world ownership means that the world is owned by everyone in common and that people, therefore, have an equal say as regards its use. Right-libertarianism and left-libertarianism both support private ownership. The difference between them is mainly their respective view on how private property legitimately can be formed. Crudely put, the right-libertarian believes that ownership may be formed through mixing one's labour with the external resources in question, whereas left-libertarianism recognises ownership only if it is initially equally distributed. Furthermore, it is argued that joint world ownership, right-libertarianism, left-libertarianism and the various versions of these exhaust the field, or that these are, at least, the most obvious alternatives to be reckoned with. It may, therefore, also be concluded that if one finds effective self-ownership valuable, one should also adopt joint world ownership. To be able to assess the arguments of this thesis, one obviously needs to know more about ownership. Therefore, this doctoral thesis will also include a thorough analysis of rights and ownership.This thesis takes part in and elaborates the traditional debate within political theory: whether personal freedom is compatible with material equality. It is by many believed that they are incompatible. The reason for this is that the measures taken to uphold material equality appear to reduce personal freedom. But if effective self-ownership is a reasonable expression of personal freedom and joint world ownership of material equality, then the thesis advocated here claims that the scepticism of their incompatibility is ill founded and that they, indeed, are compatible.
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| 7. |
- Nordström, Anders
(författare)
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The Interactive Dynamics of Regulation : Exploring the Council of Europe's Monitoring of Ukraine
- 2008
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In a time when a host of new and untested democracies seek membership in international organisations founded on liberal norms, the question of how to include new members without jeopardizing community values has become of growing concern, particularly as the regulation of practices in sovereign states often relies on soft moral or political commitment rather than on hard legal obligation. The Council of Europe’s (CoE) monitoring of new members after entry represents a soft method of socialising newcomers. In the case of Ukraine, this process has been unusually difficult, and full of strife and open confrontation. This experience runs contrary to the belief that soft regulation is either harmonic or impossible. The aim of the thesis is to explore how a regulated process of inclusion develops over time, and to discuss how such a process can safeguard community values.The study shows that an interactive dynamic developed between the European and the Ukrainian levels. The political struggle in Ukraine was, through the actions of the political opposition in Ukraine and the CoE’s monitors, transformed into a contest in the CoE over how to interpret Ukraine’s membership promises. European values were protected by the evolution of a mode of governance based on responsiveness to local concerns and on public discussion. In the process, the legal and political systems of the CoE and Ukraine were intertwined in ever more complex webs of dialogue. By being grounded in both the Ukrainian and European political discourses, the process was able to sustain a critical discussion on the terms of the agreement and maintain its relevance for the actors involved. The monitoring process displays how community values and autonomy of a member state can be combined in an unexpected way without resulting in a hierarchical order. This may not fulfil the requirements of the international rule of law, but it is clearly a case of soft and responsive transnational regulation of state practices.
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
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| 10. |
- Ikegami, Masako, 1961-
(författare)
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Taiwan’s strategic relations with its neighbours : a countervailing force to rising China
- 2012
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Ingår i: European perspectives on Taiwan. - Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. - 9783531943039 ; , s. 107-124
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The international status of Taiwan/Republic of China (ROC) has been weaker since the day that the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was recognized as “the sole legitimate government of China” at the United Nations (UN) in 1971, an action which was consequently followed by many other countries. Thus, whether Taiwan can still maintain its de facto sovereignty or not, hinges on its strategic relations with other nations who value Taiwan’s security and international legitimacy and, since, for strategic reasons, China could also potentially be motivated to impose unification by force, Taiwan regards the United States as a particularly important guarantor of security. However, China’s rapid rise, in terms of military power, economic factors and trade, has begun to be perceived as challenging U.S. hegemony in the Asia Pacific so that the ways in which other states react to the increasingly competitive relationship between the United States and China, and particularly the potential U.S.-China clash over Taiwan, have become matters of critical concern, as are Taiwan’s strategic relations with its immediate neighbors: Japan, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and the European Union (EU).
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