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Träfflista för sökning "AMNE:(SOCIAL SCIENCES Political Science Globalisation Studies) ;lar1:(lu);hsvcat:6"

Search: AMNE:(SOCIAL SCIENCES Political Science Globalisation Studies) > Lund University > Humanities

  • Result 1-10 of 11
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1.
  • Lavička, Martin (author)
  • Uyghur Community Matters in Light of Governmental White Papers
  • 2022
  • In: Community Still Matters : Uyghur Culture and Society in Central Asian Context - Uyghur Culture and Society in Central Asian Context. - 9788776943158 ; 77, s. 295-310
  • Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • This chapter aims to demonstrate the normative constraints and governmental strategies towards the various aspects of Uyghur community matters by analysing the Chinese government’s white papers. Content analysis of white papers presents the official Chinese narrative and illustrates the gradual shift in Beijing’s policy towards the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). It further illuminates the increasing securitisation and repression of the Uyghurs, which is in striking contrast to Beijing’s claims of ethnic unity (minzu tuanjie) and harmony (minzu hexie) under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
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3.
  • Koegeler-Abdi, Martina (author)
  • Liminal Children, Liminal Rights? : Media Representations of Scandinavian Children Born of War after World War II and after the Fall of the Islamic State
  • 2023
  • In: Children and Youth at Risk in Times of Transition : International and Interdisciplinary Perspectives - International and Interdisciplinary Perspectives. - 9783111010649 - 9783111009636 ; , s. 233-263
  • Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • This chapter argues for the importance of developing historical reference frames for Scandinavian children born to foreign fighters in the so-called Islamic State (IS)—that is, seeing them as children born of war (CBOW) rather than as “IS children”—to strengthen the case for their repatriation from Kurdish detention camps. Politicians across the region today stress they want to repatriate the children of IS foreign fighters, but not if that also means helping the mothers. Human rights activists have strongly criticized this position, but most of the family repatriations that have materialized have done so in the name of national security, not children’s rights. A historical perspective that recognizes the children of IS foreign fighters as Scandinavian children born of war can expand the terms of advocacy for the children’s right to return beyond national security and terrorism prevention. To establish this perspective, I compare how politicians and humanitarian organisations framed the controversies around the integration and repatriation of the children in both contexts. The respective examples come from Swedish, Danish and Norwegian news media in the years 1945 to 1950 and from 2019 to the spring of 2022. Despite the significant differences between the children’s situations, the analysis of childhood tropes across these media representations shows that both generations were constructed as CBOW in comparable ways, that is, as “children in danger/dangerous children” in their specific relationships to enemy fathers and distrusted mothers.
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4.
  • Norén Nilsson, Astrid, et al. (author)
  • Cambodia in 2022 : An Era Nears its End, A New One Dawns
  • 2023
  • In: Southeast Asian Affairs 2023. - 9789815104172 ; , s. 71-88
  • Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • Cambodia in 2022 was at the crossroads of the past and the future. Preparations were under way for the imminent power handover to a new generation of Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) leaders, most of whom are scions of the incumbent government. The era of the military fighter generation of CPP leaders led by Prime Minister Hun Sen was drawing to an end, which necessitated the reflection on and the construction of their legacy. Cambodia’s first parliamentary term (2018–23) under the one-party rule of the CPP was also approaching its closure, raising questions surrounding the future competitiveness of electoral politics. The resurrection of the Candlelight Party, which gained 22 per cent of the vote in local elections in June, raised the prospect of a return to limited electoral competition. The year 2022 also marked a feat by the CPP leadership: it had successfully turned what had been an unpopular government at the start of the electoral term into a widely accepted one towards the end of the term. Fortified by what was largely seen as its successful COVID-19 management and ASEAN chairmanship, the government had earned much political capital domestically and internationally. The CPP leadership thus came out of a year of mass trials and convictions of political opponents with its legitimacy significantly bolstered.
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5.
  • Pamment, James, et al. (author)
  • The Role of the State in Cultural Diplomacy
  • 2018
  • In: Handbook of Cultural Security. - Cheltenham : Edward Elgar Publishing. - 9781786437730 - 9781786437747 - 978 1 78643 773 0 ; , s. 290-307
  • Book chapter (peer-reviewed)
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6.
  • Hult, Francis (author)
  • More than a lingua franca : Functions of English in a globalized educational language policy
  • 2017
  • In: Language, Culture and Curriculum. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0790-8318 .- 1747-7573. ; 30:3, s. 265-282
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • The Swedish educational policy for upper secondary English, which took effect in 2011 and adopts a globalised perspective on language, is explored with respect to how skills and awareness related to local, national, and international roles of English are represented in policy documents. A discourse analytic approach to language policy is used to offer a critical reading of the national syllabus for English, the accompanying guide and commentary on the syllabus, and the general upper secondary curriculum. Analysis, informed by the work of Robert Phillipson, shows how English is represented with respect to the specific functions it serves as a lingua cultura (a language indexing socially situated value systems), a lingua emotiva (a language of popular culture and entertainment), a lingua academica (a language of research, teaching, and learning), a lingua economica (a language of market forces and globalisation), and a lingua tyrannosaura (a language of power or threat). The findings show that sociocultural and sociopolitical dimensions are identified in the syllabus for English to a greater extent than academic and professional/vocational dimensions of English which are treated in more detail in the general upper secondary curriculum and that the relationship between plurilingualism and English is minimally addressed but nascent.
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7.
  • Mattsson, Andreas, et al. (author)
  • Inte ett paradis för alla
  • 2017
  • In: Aftonbladet. - 1103-9000.
  • Journal article (pop. science, debate, etc.)abstract
    • Lubna Hawwa och Andreas Mattsson om religiös extremism och förtryck på Maldiverna
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8.
  • Egyptson, Sameh (author)
  • Global politisk islam? : Muslimska brödraskapet & Islamiska förbundet i Sverige
  • 2023. - 1
  • Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • This thesis puts the question if the Islamic Association of Sweden (Islamiska förbundet I Sverige) can be considered to be a branch of the global, Islamist movement The Muslim Brotherhood. This question is highly controversial in Swedish political and academic conversation. To answer it, an investigation is carried through of the organization, ideology, and practical politics of the two movements. The primary sources used are Arabic as well as Swedish websites, messages in media, ideological platforms, works in Islamic theology or political theory, as well as administrative archives and records in Sweden. Especially, interviews are not used. Methodologically, traditional source critical historical method is used Eight indicators of affiliation are developed, like historical origin, organizational and personal contacts as well as ideological or strategic similarity. But also ideology analysis from Political Science when the political ideology of the two is analysed, using a distinction between fundamental and operative levels of political thought, and according to basic ideological themes like: view of (wo)man, worldview, fundamental values, view of the state, and view on political strategy. The result is that there are obvious similarities and connections between the two. The Islamic Association of Sweden is deeply involved in the global Muslim Brotherhood network, an can be regarded as its Swedish branch or “national organization”.Regarding organization the two movements have a similar organizational structure, with an “inner circle” that holds leading positions in a wide organizational network. Regarding ideology there is a striking similarity of fundamental ideas between the two: Islam is interpreted politically – “the Brotherhood’s Islam” – as a comprehensive blue-print for the society ruled by sharia; not as a pietist system for private worship. Their basic values, their views on women, sexuality or the utopian Islamic society are the same. Their views of social change and political strategy are also the same. The basic political strategy is to spread a step-wise, permeating calling to “Islam”, starting from individual to individual, then to the families, companies and authorities, ultimately leading to the total islamization of society and state. The Brotherhood shall act from aside as a presssure group on the regime to support the islamization, not start its own party. In practical politics the Swedish IFiS strictly follows the “European strategy” developed by the main MB ideologist Yusuf al-Qaradawi from 1995 with the four main pillars: da’wah, enclavism, lobbyism and entryism.
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9.
  • Hult, Francis, et al. (author)
  • Spectacular language and creative marketing in a Singapore tailor shop
  • 2019
  • In: International Journal of Multilingualism. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1479-0718 .- 1747-7530. ; 16:1, s. 79-93
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • A tailor shop located in Singapore’s Chinatown is explored as a case of creative linguistic marketing practice, examining how such practice can be understood in relation to the interaction of local and global forces on the linguistic landscape. The shop uses a range of Scandinavian semiotic resources (language and artefacts) which for us, coming upon the shop, seemed unexpected or, using Sweetland’s term, spectacular. Following in the spirit of linguistic landscape analysis, we investigate one particular dimension of the visual semiosis of this shop, namely the signage. Drawing upon photographic and interview data, we trace the history of this semiosis, charting how its purpose and meaning has changed over time. What emerges from our study is that what seems idiosyncratic to researchers can have rich local meaning in context. What appears to be an outlier on the linguistic landscape can offer insight into situated experiences. In this light, our study of a shop and its semiotic landscape contributes to an understanding of the changing sociolinguistic patterns and creativity that occur in spaces like Singapore, and that reflect not just contemporary but also previous eras of globalisation and contact across historical, political and cultural borders.
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10.
  • Strömbom, Lisa (author)
  • Exploring analytical avenues for agonistic peace
  • 2020
  • In: Journal of International Relations and Development. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1408-6980 .- 1581-1980. ; , s. 1-23
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • The main contribution of this article is a rethinking of the peace concept, geared towards the creation of a framework for the analysis of agonistic peace. The literature on agonistic peace has thus far been elaborate in terms of theoretical sophistication. However, the dearth of empirical research on the concept is quite remarkable. This study takes that lacuna as a starting point for the grounding of the agonistic peace concept in empirical research and the creation of an analytical tool which can be utilised in the analyses of peace processes in disparate contexts such as Bosnia–Herzegovina, Israel–Palestine and Northern Ireland. The literature on agonistic peace envisions peace as the creation of a political space where former relations of enmity are reframed into being legitimate adversaries. This article forwards an understanding of two fundamental building blocks for understanding agonistic peace—institutional inclusion and identity change, the two theoretical strands which have rarely been interconnected in peace research. Through a cross-fertilisation of these fields, an analytical framework suited for the analyses of peace processes and their aftermaths in terms of agonistic peace is carved out. As such, this study serves as a stepping-stone in furthering empirical as well as conceptual understandings of the viability of peace processes over time.
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