| 1. |
- Souza, Matheus De Abreu Costa, 1996-, et al.
(författare)
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A eleição de Iván Duque na Colômbia e o processo de paz com as FARC-EP: continuidade ou ruptura?
- 2018
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Ingår i: Conjuntura internacional. - : Pontificia Universidade Catolica de Minas Gerais. - 1809-6182. ; 15:1, s. 33-43
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The aim of this article is to explore the possibilities for the continuation of the peace processbetween Colombia and FARC-EP after the beginning of Iván Duque’s mandate in Au-gust 2018. It is believed that the fundamental changes proposed by the new president canendanger the peace process as they target elements of the strategic calculation of the armedgroup in its decision to withdraw from the armed conflict.
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| 2. |
- Jonsson, Michael, 1978-
(författare)
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A Farewell to Arms : Motivational Change and Divergence Inside FARC-EP 2002-2010
- 2014
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- How can motivational change and divergence inside a rebel group be explained and what does this imply for our understanding of civil wars? In contemporary research, these questions have received limited attention. In many studies, motives are either overlooked, inferred from a single type of motive indicator or assumed to be narrow, static over time and homogenous throughout the organization. But this leaves researchers largely unable to explain phenomena such as large-scale defections, intra-rebel factionalism and principal-agent problems inside insurgencies.Departing from this criticism, the study analyzes motivational change and divergence inside FARC-EP in 2002-2010, a period of decline during which more than 15 500 guerilla members defected from the guerilla. Four FARC fronts (the 16th, 21st, 47th and 48th) were selected for structured, focused comparison over time, based on the expectation that differing functions of these units should also result in motivational change within and divergence between them. The case-studies build on unique data, including 26 in-depth interviews and 694 survey-responses from these fronts, triangulated against a wide set of primary and secondary sources, including defection statistics.The study finds significant indications of motivational divergence between the four fronts, but only partially along the dimensions originally expected. Functions such as financing, recruitment and propaganda show limited evidence of influencing motives in the expected direction, whereas the intensive combat experienced by the 47th front is clearly associated with more security-motivated enrollment and forced recruitment. Together, increased counterinsurgency operations, internal paranoia and harsh punishments influenced combatants’ security perception, which was one of the strongest motives for defections from FARC, in spite of risks not having been widely considered at the time of enrollment. Beyond this, the role of mid-level commanders is found to be of fundamental importance for understanding motivational change and divergence. In the 16th front, change in the leadership resulted in unprecedented levels of defection and in the 21st, widespread corruption was justified by alleged leadership graft. Mid-level commanders influence motives through leadership by example, tactical skills and monitoring and enforcement of disciplinary codes. In conclusion, the study shows combatant motives to be susceptible to change and divergence even inside a hierarchically organized and disciplined insurgent group such as FARC.
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| 3. |
- Johnson, Kyle, et al.
(författare)
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Colombia : Ending the Forever War?
- 2013
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Ingår i: Survival (London. 1959). - London : International Institute for Security Studies. - 0039-6338 .- 1468-2699. ; 55:1, s. 67-86
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Is the world’s longest active civil war finally coming to an end? In November 2012 the Colombian government and the left-wing guerrilla group Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) began full-fledged peace negotiations in Havana, Cuba. But the mood in Bogotá is ambivalent, with a yearning for peace tempered by a deep-seated distrust of FARC and its negotiating tactics.Developments over the past decade have brought Colombia to a point where the prospects for peace are better than at any previous time during its 48 years of conflict. Since 2002, FARC has been steadily weakened; it has lost five members of its seven-person Secretariat, a majority of its foot soldiers and a substantial proportion of its vital, experienced mid-level commanders. The group may now have decided that it is time to seek a dignified exit rather than face a seemingly inevitable decline and further deaths on the battlefield. And the international dynamics of the conflict are shifting as well. Venezuela’s President Hugo Chávez seems to finally have tired of playing informal host to the group, potentially depriving FARC of a crucial safe haven and its senior commanders of the possibility of keeping out of harm’s way. Meanwhile, political pressure on Ecuadorean President Rafael Correa has led to greater action against FARC in that country. And if the current peace negotiations falter, it seems likely that Colombia’s President Juan Manuel Santos would be replaced in the 2014 elections by a far-right candidate, who would not be inclined to negotiate further. This may thus be FARC’s best chance to seek a negotiated exit, and any concessions the group is able to obtain should be considered a bonus, given how weak it has become.But the Colombian civil war is the quintessential intractable conflict, making the coming negotiations profoundly challenging. Structurally, Colombia’s illegal markets, large inaccessible territory, vast inequality and weak state institutions in peripheral regions make any outright military victory against FARC highly improbable. This is also the fourth attempt at peace negotiations during the conflict and FARC has used previous episodes to buy time and gain publicity. No one has forgotten the last round of talks in Caguán in 1999–2002, when FARC used a demilitarised zone it was granted as a base to plan attacks against the Colombian military in other regions, increase coca cultivation and recruit extensively, fully believing that with more fighters they could take over the country.But even if FARC is negotiating in earnest this time, several challenges to reaching a mutually acceptable agreement remain. Firstly, mutual distrust between the negotiating parties is strong and deeply seated. Secondly, FARC seems to be trying to expand the issues under consideration beyond those agreed upon in preliminary discussions. Thirdly, while FARC has announced a one-sided ceasefire, the government has continued military operations, creating a risk that military confrontations will impede progress at the negotiating table.
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| 4. |
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| 5. |
- Jansson, Oscar
(författare)
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Tríadas putumayenses : relaciones patrón-cliente en la economía de la cocaína
- 2006
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Ingår i: Revista Colombiana de Antropología. ; 42
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- ResumenEste texto analiza las relaciones de producción de coca en el bajo Putumayo (Colombia) como relaciones de patrón-cliente. El artículo sostiene que el intercambio de muestras tangibles de buena voluntad entre los intermediarios, por muestras intangibles de buena voluntad de los productores de materia prima, enmascara la subordinación del productor de materia prima en relaciones verticales de dominación y explotación. Mientras el productor de materia prima está en el nivel más bajo en esas relaciones, el intermediario representa sólo un corredor en una estructura triádica cuya cabeza está representada por el productor de cocaína. El análisis demuestra, sin embargo, que la forma particular de subordinación de los productores de materia prima, en cuanto a su sometimiento a la explotación, la violencia y la proyección de fuerza por grupos armados, descansa en gran medida en la capacidad que tenga el intermediario de negociar con el productor de cocaína.AbstractThis paper analyzes social relations of cocaine production in southern Putumayo through the lens of patron-client relations. I argue that the exchange of intangible for tangible signs of goodwill between primary producers and middlemen masks vertical relations of dominance and submission. While the primary producer is situated at the lowest level in these relations, the middleman is a mere broker in a triadic structure whose head is represented by the cocaine producer. Nevertheless, as I demonstrate in the article, primary producers' particular form of submission regarding their subjection to the exploitation, violence, and power exercised by armed groups, is conditioned by the capacity of the intermediary to negotiate with the cocaine producer.
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| 6. |
- Enkvist, Inger
(författare)
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Los 'testimonios' colombianos y las FARC
- 2011
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Ingår i: La Ilustracion Liberal: revista española y americana. - 1139-8051. ; 47:vår 2011, s. 37-47
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 7. |
- Anctil, Priscyll
(författare)
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¿Un feminismo à la fariana? El continuum de la militancia en el posacuerdo de paz en Colombia
- 2023
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Ingår i: Colombia Internacional. - 0121-5612 .- 1900-6004. ; :115, s. 139-173
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Objective/context: In this article, I propose the concept of continuum of militancy to analyze the transformation of the political struggles of former FARC-EP women guerrilleras in the post-peace agreement, with a particular emphasis on the country’s northeastern region. Based on their narratives, I inquire about the transformation from armed struggle to feminist combat, as well as the tensions and challenges that arise in this path. Methodology: I focus on three particular methods: the feminist fieldwork diary, biographical interviews, and participant observations in two fieldworks conducted in 2019 and 2022 in northeastern Colombia. Conclusions: The article confirms the need to understand post-peace agreement militancy as a continuum between armed struggle and different feminist, women, and gender combats. It also demonstrates the importance of analyzing the militancy of the ex-guerrilleras of the FARC-EP, starting from the insurgent identity. Finally, it concludes that insurgent feminism, despite the political tensions it entails, is a practical example of this continuum of militancy. Originality: The article has three main contributions: it theorizes the conceptual elements of the continuumof militancy; it brings knowledge about the construction of insurgent feminism in northeastern Colombia; and it contributes to the understanding of the political tensions surrounding the transformation of armed struggles into nonviolent feminist actions.
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
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| 10. |
- Anctil, Priscyll, et al.
(författare)
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L’épistémologie féministe à l’épreuve d’un objet surinvesti. Enquêter auprès des femmes ex-combattantes dans le « post-accord de paix » colombien
- 2021
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Ingår i: Annales de géographie. - : CAIRN. - 0003-4010 .- 1777-5884. ; 2021:742, s. 20-46
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article aims at questioning the uses of feminist epistemologies and methodologies in the context of a fieldwork project conducted in Colombia on the return to civilian life of female combatants. While the topic « female combatants »tends to be the object of an academic over-investment, contributing to its depoliticization, the Authors discuss the various approaches, tools and methods produced by feminist epistemology that can be mobilized in order to avoid the reproduction of power relationships that can be established between researchers and participants, but also the competition between the researchers themselves. The article begins by analyzing the various factors that have contributed to the making of “female combatants” as an over-studied subject. It then describes the fieldwork that inspired our discussion and examines more particularly the challenges raised by a concrete application of feminist epistemology during the fieldwork. Third, it articulates proposals to develop feminist epistemology beyond gender issues by rethinking the multiple manners of organizing the different spatio-temporalities of the research process and the concrete connection with the territories of investigation.
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