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- Alpay, Sahin
(författare)
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Turkar i Stockholm : En studie av invandrare, politik och samhälle
- 1980
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The present study which is a product of the research project "Political Resocialization of Immigrants (PRI)" carried out at the Political Science Department of the Stockholm University is based primarily on interviews in 1976 with Turkish immigrants in the 18—67 age group domiciled in the Stockholm municipality. The questions this study addresses itself are: — Which pre-migration and migration characteristics of Turkish immigrants in Stockholm are of special importance with respect to their political resocialization? — What are the living conditions of Turks in Stockholm and what are their perceptions and subjective evaluations of these conditions? — In what ways and to what extent do Turks participate in politics in Sweden? — What are the consequences of Turkish immigrants' background characteristics, living conditions and subjective evaluations of these conditions for their political resocialization? The study consists of nine chapters. The first three provide an introduction to this field of research, a discussion of theoretical points of departure, and an account of methods of data-collection. Next two chapters give background information on emigration from Turkey and immigration to Sweden and Stockholm. Chapter six presents data on the Turks' living conditions. They appear to be highly concentrated in the unskilled manual occupations and certain residential areas. Their social contacts are largely limited to relations with fellow countrymen, and they display very poor knowledge of the Swedish language. Chapter seven gives data on the Turks' perceptions and subjective evaluations of their living conditions. Results reveal a relatively high degree of satisfaction primarily with the material welfare they have attained in Sweden, and a rather strong attachment to Turkish culture and identity. Chapter eight discusses the political-cultural background of Turks and provides data on their political participation in Sweden. Findings indicate lower levels of political information, exposure, interest and activity among the Turks as compared to other immigrant groups under study in the PRI-project. The final chapter summarizes the results of the study which show that the political resocialization of Turkish immigrants has so far made little progress. Their political-cultural background characteristics and their living conditions in Stockholm are closely related with their political relearning.
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| 2. |
- Andersson, Catrin, 1970-
(författare)
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Tudelad trots allt : dualismens överlevnad i den svenska staten 1718-1987
- 2004
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- On May 1, 1720 the Swedish Riksdag took a seemingly peripheral decision which would however prove to have great and enduring consequences for the organization of the country’s central state administration. The model adopted then is today often referred to as the ‘dualism’ of the Swedish state. In international comparison this dualism – expressed primarily in the organizational division between a set of quite small ministries and a large number of autonomous government agencies in combination with the constitutional prohibition of individual ministers to issue authoritative orders to the agencies – is probably unique.This dualism has been characterized as “one of the great mysteries of Swedish political life” and one aspect of this mysteriousness concerns its very longevity. The main research question of this thesis is why this model has been able to survive for such a long period despite the heavy and recurring critique that has been levelled at it. Through analyses of the public debate on the issue of the dualist character of the Swedish state during four selected periods (1809-1829, 1905-1920, 1963-1972 and 1983-1987) when the critical voices have been particularly loud and articulate, a systematic picture is provided of both the participants and the argument of the debates. It is shown that critics of dualism have blamed it for being “anti-democratic”, “antiquated”, and “a threat against the rule of law” while defenders of dualism have often portrayed it as “modern”, “effective”, and “a guarantee for the rule of law”.The answer to the main research question of why the political institution of dualism has persisted for so long may briefly be summarized in the statement that it has survived by changing. In theoretical terms the thesis is inspired by historical institutionalism, a tradition which has so far mostly contributed to our understanding of institutional stability. Recently, however, theoretical developments in historical institutionalism have rather aimed at an improved analysis of change. This thesis appropriates these new ideas, especially those developed by political scientist Kathleen Thelen, in the analysis of Swedish dualism. In particular the two concepts of institutional conversion and institutional layering are tested. In the thesis it is argued that the new analytical tools were indeed instrumental in understanding and explaining institutional change but also that further elaboration of them seems necessary. Using a both longitudinal and process-oriented approach focussing on the arguments of the actors this thesis has contributed to such an elaboration of the tools for the analysis of change within the tradition of historical institutionalism.
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| 3. |
- Andersson, Monica, 1948-
(författare)
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Politik och stadsbyggande : Modernismen och byggnadslagstiftningen
- 2009
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The purpose of this dissertation is to describe, understand and explain the role of modernism in Swedish urban planning, and analyze if modernist urban planning ideas influenced building legislation in ways that can explain the structural changes of our cities during post-war period. Earlier epochs were characterized by intense construction of working-class housing in garden cities and large courtyard housing blocks with double-sided lighting in residences. The dissertation has been carried out within the tradition of historical institutionalism with a counterfactual approach. It covers the time from 1928 to the present with a focus on the period 1928-1975. The object of study is the formal regulations in building legislation. The central analytical instruments are formative moments and path dependence. A formative moment should be characterized by uncertainty, significance and unpredictability. Path dependence is studied with the help of theories of experience-based learning and the power of bureaucracy. The dissertation shows that modernist ideas were written into the building code of 1931 in accordance with functional partitioning and a diagram by Walter Gropius from the 1920s calling for relative distances between houses, the longer the higher houses, and direct sunlight on facades, permitting one-sided lighting in residences. Instead of prevailing praxis, cities were built in conformity with principles of buildings-in-the-park with slab blocks. These regulations were gradually tightened over time and also guided redevelopment policy. In the sixties higher slab blocks and tower blocks began to be frequently built and functional partitioning assumed a unique guiding role in traffic policy and urban planning. Starting in the middle of the 1970s, modernist ideas gradually were dismissed in government policy. Leading modernist architects where driving forces in the formative moment, supported by the Association of Property Owners. Their colleagues could, in the path dependent process, augment the modernist ideas by virtue of their profession. They led state agencies, participated in commissions on building legislation and wrote referral comments on proposals, as well as sitting on building committees together with building contractors, entrepreneurs and construction workers.
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| 4. |
- Bergström, Hans, 1948-
(författare)
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Rivstart? : om övergången från opposition till regering
- 1987
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- En ingående granskning och jämförelse av regeringsskiftena 1976 och 1982 samt en redovisning av de borgerliga förberedelserna inför ett regeringsskifte 1985.
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| 5. |
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| 6. |
- Björsne, Roland
(författare)
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Populism och ekopolitik : framväxten av en ekopolitisk ideologi i Norge och dess relationer till ett mångtydigt populismbegrepp.
- 1979
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In the end of the 1960's the word "populism” began to be used in Norway to designate a policy for preventing the depopulation of the countryside and coastal areas and for stimulating a development in the existing local communities. As time went on, it even included political ideas concerned with structural and environmental questions in a wider perspective. From an ecological perspective, the solution to democratic, resource, allocational and environmental issues is seen in terms of a system structured in local communities. For this reason, and others, the designation was changed to ecopolitics. The purpose of the dissertation is to analyze how Norwegian populism developed into ecopolitics if it can be said to be a special political ideology, and how it compares to other populistic movements within the Nordic region and also to those movements outside of this region. In the first part of the dissertation, the methodological basis is stated and a description of how an ecopolitical ideal model can be constructed on the basis of different theoretical works is given. The ideal model is subsequently related to the political parties and groups which, in varying degrees, embrace populistic/ecopolitical ideas. The conclusion is that the ecopolitical ideology existing in Norway differs from the traditional ideologies in a number of ways. In the second part of the analysis, the application of the populism concept in various contexts i described. The conclusion is that the concept can, to a certain extent, be justifiably defined in several different ways and that general definitions of the concept are not precise enough. In the third part of the dissertation, the populistic ant. ecopolitical movements within the Nordic countries are related to different definitions of populism. Fundamental similarities are found to exist between ecopolitics and the Russian populism especially with regard to the structure of the society in local communities. The objectives are compatible with both socialistic and non-socialistic strategies. The dissertation is written in Swedish with a summary in English.
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| 7. |
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
- Bäck, Henry
(författare)
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Den utrikespolitiska dagordningen : makt, protest och internationella frågor i svensk politik 1965-1973
- 1979
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Protest activity is studied as a part of the political decision-making process. A theoretical framework which emanates from research into how political issues are placed on the so-called agenda of the political system is developed. Two hypotheses concerning how the protest arena is related to other political arenas are derived from this theoretical framework. According to the first, the "static" hypothesis, the substantive political content in the protest arena can be distinguished from the content in other arenas in a systematic and specified manner. According to the second, the "dynamic" hypothesis, the activities related to a given substantive issue appear first in the protest arena and then in the other arenas in a specific temporal sequence. The empirical testing of the hypotheses is carried out by means of content analysis of the substantive political content in the protest arena as well as in discussions in the press, at political party conventions, and in the Parliament. The study is limited to international issues. For the analysis of the dynamic-oriented hypothesis a further limitation is made to three issue areas: Indochina, Biafra, and conditions within and between the socialist states. The static hypothesis is supported by the data. Results of the analysis of the dynamic hypothesis are more difficult to interpret. One reason for this is the restricted temporal scope. However, the results suggest that protest activity tends to occur early in the decision-making process and that discussions in the press have greater significance for the foreign policy agenda than anticipated by the hypothesis.
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| 10. |
- Carbin, Maria, 1972-
(författare)
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Mellan tystnad och tal : Flickor och hedersvåld i svensk offentlig politik
- 2010
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis examines the contestations around the question of how violence against young women from ethnic minorities was articulated in Swedish public policy debates from 1995-2008. One core question investigated in this study is how the “new” problem of co called honour killings is categorised and understood within gender equality policies against violence and policies of immigrant integration. The thesis explores how different discourses compete and negotiate to make sense of the violence and try to stabilise meaning. Another aim of the thesis concerns the construction of available subject positions for young women, and the potential effects in terms of possibilities and restrictions for subjects to speak politically. The research material consists of parliamentary debates, major government documents, official government inquiries into integration and gender equality, as well as documents from the Swedish Integration Board and the County Administrative Boards. The analysis draws upon discourse theory and feminist postcolonial theory to explore what positions are made available to young women in policy discourses. Four competing discourses are identified: a multicultural discourse, a discourse of value-clashes, a discourse of structural discrimination and finally a gender power-discourse. However, in policies against honour related violence the violence is primarily understood as originating in a cultural and value-based heritage of certain immigrant communities. This study furthermore illustrates how girls are required to speak and make testimonies on their situation. The ways the stories of the girls are used make them into boundary markers between Swedish and non-Swedish. It is argued that letting the girls speak and listen to them might make it possible to understand some of the potential problems they face. Nevertheless, it might not form an agenda for changing the bigger political picture.
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