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| 2. |
- Axelsson, Cecilia, 1973-
(författare)
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En Meningsfull Historia? : Didaktiska perspektiv på historieförmedlande museiutställningar om migration och kulturmöten
- 2009
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis concerns the mediation of history in a public arena in society, namely in historical exhibitions in museums. The foci of the thesis are exhibitions on migration history, cultural encounters, “Us” and “the Others”, and in particular how relations based on the principles of class, gender and ethnicity are mediated. The research concerns two exhibitions – "Afrikafararna" (The Travellers to Africa) and "Kongospår" (Traces of Congo).In this thesis museums are viewed as arenas for public education and meaning-making. It explores how the historical contents as well as the forms of mediation in the exhibitions correspond to the task of promoting democracy that has been assigned to Swedish museums. This task is expressed in the intentions of the respective museums, in the general policies on culture and also in the policy documents for schools. Therefore the thesis also explores how pupils and teachers understand the mediation of history and use the museum as a source for learning.Exhibitions are regarded in this thesis as mediation processes of history. Three distinct phases can be seen in this process – the phase of production, the phase of mediation and the phase of reception. People connected to the different phases, such as curators, producers, museum educators, and pupils, have been interviewed. These interviews show how conditions, convictions and scope for action influence how the stories of migration and cultural encounters are told and understood. The contents of the exhibitions are analysed from a perspective of class, gender and ethnicity. Furthermore, the limitations and possibilities for the visitors to intensify their historical consciousness are discussed.The study shows how economic conditions and access to historical source material influence the way history is mediated, but also, and to a very large extent, convictions on pedagogy and concepts of history among museum staff. The latter two are determining factors when it is made clear that the way the historical source material is used results in the fact that history is mediated in a way that does not correspond to the intentions and goals to promote democratic values, such as equality, and active democratic readiness for action.The study shows that the exhibitions in question mediate patterns of subordination and asymmetrical relations between women and men and between Swedes/Scandinavians and Africans in their mediation of history. There are sometimes very distinct lines between “Us” and “the Others”. One of the exhibitions offers more space for individual meaning-making and reflection than the other, however, because of its problematization of the occurrence of African artefacts in Scandinavia and because there are more stories and more voices in the exhibition.The interviews with teachers and pupils show that the visits to the exhibitions are often isolated events that are rarely incorporated into the students’ education in a prolonged theme or perspective. Several students uncritically accepted the mediation in the exhibition, others were provoked and challenged, but the students had little opportunity to discuss these experiences in either the museum or in school. In summing up, several of the results of the analysis show that the mediation of history in the exhibitions cannot be described as corresponding to the demands of a democratic conception of education.
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| 3. |
- Dahlqvist, Hans
(författare)
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Fri att konkurrera, skyldig att producera : En ideologikritisk granskning av SAF 1902-1948
- 2005
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The object of my investigation is Svenska Arbetsgivareföreningen (SAF) (The Swedish Employer’s Association) and the concrete questions I wish to raise are: (i) How did SAF articulate their ideal of liberty during the period 1902-1948? (ii) How did they combine this ideal with the demands of an ascetic work ethic among the workers?My ambition with this investigation has been to spread some light on how SAF, one of the market’s most important actors in Sweden during the twentieth century, has combined an alleged strong belief in personal freedom with the demands of adjustment to specific virtues and how the proclaimed freedom has, in fact, been subject to a number of conditions. It would be fair to say that the survival of a market economy depends on a broad foundation of workers that in practice are not allowed to make use of the freedom that they are proclaimed to have in theory. The workers must not only be convinced to go to work but also to work efficiently. If this were not the case, then capitalism, built on competition, would collapse. This is congruent with the conclusions made in my investigation. SAF’s proclamations of freedom were indeed a freedom for the believers; for those who could take advantage of the competition. But for those who did not believe in the system or who did not feel that they could find themselves justice in it, SAF demanded a high moral standard. As a consequence of this we are confronted with the following paradox: Freedom for the rich, morality to the poor.
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| 4. |
- Dufwa, Sune
(författare)
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Kön, lön och karriär : Sjuksköterskeyrkets omvandling under 1900-talet
- 2004
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In a Swedish context this thesis deals with male integration in the profession of nursing during the last 50 years of the twentieth century.I focus on four different topics.At first the pioneer era is discussed, that is in the beginning of the 50s, when men were allowed to enter the nursing profession and become nurses. Here I discuss on the Swedish Society of Nursings (Svensk Sjuksköterskeförening, SSF)) standpoint on the matter of men’s ability to participate in a sphere so closely connected with professional values as well as feminine values of caring and support.The second topic deals with the question of using the concept ‘sjuksköterska’ (nurse), in Sweden a feminine marked word, as a title for both men and women. The result of a long and keen debate is that a lot of imaginative titles were refused and that still today both women and men use the female title ‘sjuksköterska’. This might be one reason for men not seeking the profession of nursing.In the third place I look at the pecuniary result for nurses especially after 1986 when a new individual oriented wage determination was launched. The local investigation comprises four different clinics at the University hospital in Malmö (Universitetssjukhuset Malmö allmänna sjukshus, UMAS) and takes a special interest in earnings between male and female nurses. In countries with long experience of individual wage systems male nurses usually earn more than their female counterparts. The question I ask is if the same tendency is about to happen in Sweden.Finally, the possibilities of making a career in the profession of nursing is analyzed. The local investigation stresses that female nurses seem to prefer an administrative career in an increasing extent than men do. Male nurses, on the other hand, made union careers in the 70s and 80s and especially the post as ombudsman is popular. In the mid 90s the male appointment to union position is growing weaker probably connected to an increasing feminine consciousness among female nurses. Also the professionalisation process of the nurse corps is shortly examined.
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- Engren, Jimmy, 1971-
(författare)
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Railroading and Labor Migration : Class and Ethnicity in Expanding Capitalism in Northern Minnesote, the 1880s to the mid 1920s
- 2007
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In the 1880s, capitalism as a social and economic system integrated new geographic areas of the American continent. The construction of the Duluth & Iron Range Railroad (D&IR), financed by a group of Philadelphia investors led by Charlemagne Tower and later owned by the US Steel was part of this emerging political economy based on the exploitation of human and material resources. Migrant labor was in demand as it came cheap and, generally, floated between various construction-sites on the “frontier” of capitalism. The Swedish immigrants were one part of this group of “floaters” during the late 1800s and made up a significant part of the force that constructed and worked on the D&IR between the 1880s and the 1920s. This book deals with power relations between groups based on class and ethnic differences by analyzing the relationship between the Anglo-American bourgeois establishment and the Swedish and other immigrant workers and their children on the D&IR and in the railroad town of Two Harbors, Minnesota. The Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony in Minnesota, to a large extent, dictated the conditions under which Swedish immigrants and others toiled and were allowed access to American society. I have therefore analyzed the structural subordination and gradual integration of workers and, in particular, immigrant workers, in an emerging class society. The book also deals with the political and the cultural opposition to Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony that emerged in Two Harbors and that constructed a radical public sphere during the 1910s. In this process, new group identities based on class and ethnicity emerged in the working class neighborhoods in the wake of the capitalist expansion and exploitation, and as a result of worker agency. Building on traditions of political insurgency an alliance of immigrant workers, particularly Swedes, Anglo skilled workers and parts of the local petty bourgeoisie rose to a position of political and cultural power in the local community. This coalition was held together by the language of class that became the basis of a local multi-ethnic working class identity laying claim to its own version of Americanism. The period of preparedness leading up to the Great War, the war itself, and its aftermath, produced a reaction from the Anglo American bourgeoisie which resulted in a profound change in the public sphere as a coalition between “meliorist middle class reformers”, represented primarily by the YMCA and local church leaders and the D&IR and its program of welfare capitalism launched a broad program to counter socialism locally, and to forge new social bonds that would cut across class lines and ethnic boundaries. By this process, the ethnic working class in Two Harbors was offered entry into American society by acquiring citizenship and by their inclusion in a broader civic community undifferentiated by class. But this could only be realized by the workers’ adoption of an Anglo-American national identity based on identification with corporate interests, a new local solidarity that cut across class lines and a white racial identity that diminished the significance of ethnic boundaries. By these means the Swedish immigrants, or at least a portion of them, became Americans on terms established by the D&IR and its class allies.
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| 6. |
- Estvall, Martin, 1968-
(författare)
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Sjöfart på stormigt hav : Sjömannen och Svensk Sjöfarts tidning inför den nazistiska utmaningen 1932-1945
- 2009
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The purpose of this study is to discuss German Nazism and Nazi Germany from the point of view of two specific representatives, namely, labour and capital. This has been facilitated by analysing the content of the Swedish Seamen’s Union’s newspaper, The Seafarer [Sjömannen] and its union counterpart, the Swedish Shipowners Association’s periodical, Scandinavian Shipping Gazette [Svensk Sjöfarts Tidning], from November 1932 up to and including 1945. The shipping industry was chosen because trade was of central importance to the Swedish economy and to relations with Nazi Germany. Direct contact with Nazi Germany meant that the organisations were kept up-to-date about what was happening there.A qualitative analysis of texts and images constitutes the major part of the study. This is complemented by a quantitative examination of the intensity of reporting on Nazi Germany.There were enormous differences between the two papers, both in terms of intensity and bias, with regard to the Nazi challenge. While The Seafarer described both Nazism and Nazis in strongly negative terms, the Scandinavian Shipping Gazette chose to remain silent. The Seafarer encouraged counteractions like demonstrations, strikes, boycotts and sanctions, whereas the Scandinavian Shipping Gazette considered such measures to be “undemocratic” and argued against them. The material in The Seafarer is strongly propagandist and always keenly opposed to Nazism and anti-Semitism. The paper served as an anti-Nazi mouth-piece. The means of expression range from poems, drawings and illustrations via highly factual and biased reports to weightier multi-page ideological analyses. All in all, the Nazi regime is described as one of violence and terror that is bent on stifling both the working class and people of other “races”. In sharp contrast, the study shows that the Scandinavian Shipping Gazette dedicates itself to describing events and developments taking place in Nazi Germany.There was no class-transgressing national ideology or policy within the shipping industry with which to facilitate an understanding of the Nazi challenge. In the study, class affinity has proved to be an important, and clearly distinct, factor in the approach to Nazism.
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| 7. |
- Hansson, Lars
(författare)
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Slakt i takt : Klassformering vid de bondekooperativa slakterierna i Skåne 1908-1946
- 2004
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- From the begiining of the 20th century producer co-operative bacon factories were established in the south of Sweden. In his thesis Lars Hansson studies how class relations were shaped and transformed within this rural industry. The producer co-operative slaughter associations consisted of a large number of members from smallholders to large scale agrarian producers. The power of the associations was concentrated in the hands of the big producers, but the manangers also had a considerable power, due to their expert knowledge of the buisness and the bacon markets in U.K. The workers of the producer co-operative slaughter houses were mostly unskilled workers, with little or no knowledge of butchering. From the 1910’s the workers unionized but their organisation was not accepted by the employers and harsh labour disputes took place during the 1920’s. From the 1930’s the farmers producer co-operative movement grew all over Sweden and they formed a political alliance with the Social democratic Party. The Swedish labour market became more peaceful as the employers and the unions began to co-operate to a greater extent. The Food Workers Union was more and more integrated in the Swedish society and thereby lost its earlier antisystemic character and were more and more transformed into a systemic movement. The slaughter house workers union had a distinct patriarchal characters from its start and its attitude towards women workers was ambivalent. During WWII, however, the attitude changed and more women were active in class practice in order to improve their situation.
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| 9. |
- Johansson, Jesper, 1979-
(författare)
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"Så gör vi inte här i Sverige. Vi brukar göra så här" : Retorik och praktik i LO:s invandrarpolitik 1945-1981
- 2008
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The primary purpose of this thesis is to analyse the Swedish Trade Union Confederation, the LO’s, mediated rhetoric, arguments and social and institutional practices in the process of forming the LO’s policy regarding the introduction, incorporation and participation of immigrants in Swedish society in general, the workplace and the trade union movement in the period 1945–1981. The theoretical purpose is to explore how power relations of superiority and subordination based primarily on the categories of class, ethnicity and nation, but also on gender and to some extent generation, have been formed through ideological processes of inclusion and boundary drawing in rhetorical speeches, texts and institutional practices within the framework of an explicit class-based community as the LO constituted. The results demonstrate that the LO had an ambivalent attitude towards labour immigration in an expanding post-war Swedish economy. On the one hand the trade unions accepted that industrial growth and general welfare reforms were dependent on the labour supply. On the other hand, the LO feared that uncontrolled labour immigration would be a disadvantage for indigenous workers, since wages could be kept low and obsolete industrial sectors could be maintained and the “solidarity wage policy” could be endangered because of the influx of migrant labour. Organising the immigrants was a central part of the union movement’s strategy, and the LO also insisted from the very beginning on equal wages and employment conditions between indigenous and immigrant workers to avoid wage pressures. During the second half of the 1960s and the 1970s, the LO repeatedly argued that the scale of immigration should be weighted against factors such as access to work, housing, social services, education and language teahcing. One major argument in the thesis is that within the LO, immigration policy measures were perceived to be a functional “adaptation” of immigrants to the already defined institutions, norms and national culture of the Swedish majority society. Accordingly, the immigrants were expected to adapt themselves to the “normal” Swedish and social democratic way of doing things in a rational and organised manner. During the 1970s, Swedish language training and company introduction with union attendance, translated information bulletins about the Swedish labour market and society, union courses and study circles could be seen as central means in a process of socialisation and “normalisation”. These policy measures were dimensions of a social democratic ideological identity project within the trade union movement, which was constructed as a symbol of the given national order and “the Swedish way of doing things”. The results also demonstrate how class, ethnicity, nation and gender have worked as structuring principles of power and status within the LO.
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| 10. |
- Karlsson, Lennart, 1947-
(författare)
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Arbetarrörelsen, Folkets Hus och offentligheten i Bromölla 1905-1960
- 2009
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the People’s House in Bromölla as an arena for a plebeian public sphere. More specific, the analysis revolves around how the labour movement created a plebeian public sphere, the construction of the very arena and the activities there, including study circles, labour library, theatre plays, film showings, dance evenings and other amusements as parts of adult education among the working class people. It also comprises examinations of the labour movement’s acting in the local political arena, the labour movement’s connections with the local bourgeoisie on matters concerning politics and the People’s House. The main theoretical perspective is based on Jürgen Habermas’ theory of bourgeois public sphere, reformulated to a plebeian public sphere. The adult education in study circles mainly focused on subjects related to the work in the local politics and in the trade union, i.e. for the activities in the public sphere. These parts of the adult education were primarily a matter for the male part of the labour movement. This mirrors the situation in politics and in the trade union, where foremost men were engaged. Beside the trade union and political studies, subjects like Swedish, English, Esperanto, mathematics and literature were common. From time to time socialism and Marxism were studied. The women mainly studied humanistic subjects with individual development and hold thus the vision of the education ideologists within the labour movement. In the 1940’s the study circles decreased, and finally, in the end of the 1950’s almost ceased. Despite this the education did not cease, but were replaced by music, singing, dancing and machine sewing courses arranged by commercial companies and aesthetic associations. The People’s House was from the beginning open even for associations outside the labour movement. In the 1940’s and, in particularly, the 1950’s the People’s House became an assembly hall for a huge range of associations. Among the tenants were Free Church parishes, athletic associations, hobby associations, temperance societies, political parties from left to right, trade unions, authorities, companies, and the municipal of Bromölla. People’s house was also a place for wedding and birthday celebrations and other private parties. Among the more frequent tenants were Free Churches and music, singing and athletic associations, beside Bromölla municipal, which were a permanent tenant, for instance for the municipal library. The amount of associations from outside the labour movement among the tenants exceeded for some years in the end of 1950’s the labour movement’s meetings. This cross class policy was a conscious strategy by the People’s House association, in order to be a cultural institution for all inhabitants in Bromölla. The municipal council of Bromölla was even a part of this policy when subsidizing the People’s House association. It was in accordance with the cross class and consensus policy which the social democratic movement by this time was an exponent of. The People’s House in Bromölla was thus an arena not only for the labour movement, but also for the entire society.
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