| 1. |
|
|
| 2. |
- Eklöf, Jenny, 1973-, et al.
(författare)
-
Promoting ethanol in the shadow of oil dependence : 100 years of arguments and frictions in Swedish politics
- 2012
-
Ingår i: Scandinavian Journal of History. - : Routledge. - 0346-8755 .- 1502-7716. ; 37:5, s. 621-645
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- On a political level, Swedish transport ethanol has always been embedded in visions of an alternative, brighter future. Arguments in support of ethanol have been reiterated throughout the 20th and 21st century, exhibiting a striking stability over time. At the same time, the contexts in which arguments for ethanol have been raised have undergone dramatic shifts. This article investigates the historical contingencies of three empirical cases, covering the interwar years, the aftermath of the oil crises of the 1970s and the 21st century's concerns over global warming. It concludes with the observation that despite political convictions about ethanol's commercial, military and environmental potential, domestic production has not managed to take off on its own. It has relied on state support such as tax exemptions, it has been dependent on other industries for feedstock provision and its technical superiority is still waiting for market confirmation.
|
|
| 3. |
- Malmer, Elin, 1963-, et al.
(författare)
-
Christian Manliness For Women? Contradictions of Christian youth organization in early 20th-century Sweden
- 2009
-
Ingår i: Scandinavian Journal of History. - London : Informa UK Limited. - 1502-7716 .- 0346-8755. ; 34:4, s. 394-413
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Evangelical revivalism attracted large numbers of young adherents in early 20th-century Sweden. In this article we discuss what happened when Christian youth societies for men and women merged into mixed societies. The decline of the ideal of the single-sex youth society meant that a decidedly female form of religious organization disappeared. We argue, however, that the change also entailed cautious challenges to established notions of gender. First, a discourse was created in which notions of manliness were placed in the centre, and women, to some extent, were seen as embodying masculinity. Secondly, even though central actors had objections towards a direct female leadership of men, female board members were accepted from the start in local societies. The patriarchal gender order remained, but in some ways the mixed Christian youth organization gave way to an exercise in partnership.
|
|
| 4. |
|
|
| 5. |
- Aberg, Martin, 1962-
(författare)
-
The formation of Swedish independent local lists, 1990-2015 : A study into the sources of non-diffusion
- 2017
-
Ingår i: Scandinavian Journal of History. - : Taylor & Francis. - 0346-8755 .- 1502-7716. ; 42:5, s. 505-536
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this comparative case-study, elements of diffusion theory are used to examine local conditions conducive to political organization in terms of independent local lists (ILLs). Empirical evidence supports the formulation of three hypotheses for future and more systematic research into the problem: a hypothesis of size, an elite-hypothesis and a mobilization-hypothesis. Although several factors are likely to play a role, the results suggest particularly that ILLs are less likely to occur in localities lacking historical legacies in terms of popular mobilization.
|
|
| 6. |
- Ahlbäck, Anders
(författare)
-
Changing views on gender and security : Finland's belated opening of military service to women in the 1990s
- 2022
-
Ingår i: Scandinavian Journal of History. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0346-8755 .- 1502-7716. ; 47:2, s. 248-269
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article studies the historical shift in societal understandings of gender and security in Finland that led to the introduction of women's voluntary military service and the opening of the military professions to women in 1995. With a focus on how the gendered division of defence and military labour was conceptualized at various stages, the study analyses what caused Finland to lag behind its Scandinavian neighbours in this respect, and what caused a sweeping reform process to come about in the early 1990s. Drawing on press materials, parliamentary records and policymaking documents, it traces public debates and policymaking over two decades. It shows that women's defence work was a controversial issue, for both historical and political reasons. This caused an emphasis being placed on women's non-military tasks within a broad understanding of societal security during the 1980s. Around the end of the Cold War, a surge of neo-patriotism coincided with the normalization of formal gender equality to effect a significant shift in notions of female citizenship towards military participation. Positive Scandinavian examples of women's military integration were decisive at this point, as was the political impact of Finland acquiring its first female minister of defence.
|
|
| 7. |
|
|
| 8. |
|
|
| 9. |
- Fellman, Susanna, 1963
(författare)
-
COMPANY WELFARE PROGRAMMES AND INDUSTRIAL MODERNIZATION IN FINLAND
- 2019
-
Ingår i: Scandinavian Journal of History. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0346-8755 .- 1502-7716. ; 44:5, s. 665-692
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- © 2019, © 2019 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. Prior to the modern welfare state, many large companies provided extensive welfare programmes for their employees. In this article, such welfare programmes–or corporate welfarism–in Finnish manufacturing firms in the early 20th century are the focus of attention. I analyse the content of these programmes and how they changed over time as part of the modernization and professionalization of management and industrial and societal change. I also discuss how company managers perceived the role of welfare provisions in corporate development and what happened with these programmes when the first steps towards the modern welfare state were taken. I show that these programmes started as a necessity and part of industrial paternalism, but gradually became part of labour management, in particular for the creation of a loyal workforce and productivity improvements. These programmes often developed in collaboration with local municipalities, which led to intertwined relationships at the local level, marked by both trust and tension in local communities. Once general welfare reforms emerged, companies often abandoned their voluntary programmes, while some services were taken over by the municipalities. I also ask to what extent these programmes were managerial strategies to counteract growing state involvement in their affairs.
|
|
| 10. |
- Förhammar, Staffan
(författare)
-
SCIENTIFIC PHILANTHROPY AND WELFARE POLITICS OF SOLIDARITY : A discussion of the roots of the Swedish welfare state
- 2016
-
Ingår i: Scandinavian Journal of History. - : ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD. - 0346-8755 .- 1502-7716. ; 41:1, s. 110-131
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- So far, studies of Swedish 20th-century social policy have emphasized the differences between the voluntary aid common around 1900 and the solidarity of welfare policy at mid-century. Means tests have been described as central instruments in the voluntary social work, while the welfare state was built on general principles of care. The question is, however, if the differences between the earlier and later forms of social policy can be characterized in such simple terms. A comparison has been made of departure points found in the social policies of the two periods. The results confirm that a significantly new way of thinking had taken shape in the years around the Second World War, but the study also shows that that the ideas concerning the welfare state contain threads that can be traced back to the scientific philanthropy of a few years earlier. The idea of social engineering was nothing new, and the idea that rights could be exchanged for duties had still not been deserted in the 1940s. In conclusion it can be said that the welfare state and the welfare politics of solidarity in several respects were built upon the principles of care that were formulated in about 1900.
|
|
