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- Abbink, Jon, et al.
(författare)
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Sub-Saharan Africa
- 2018
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Ingår i: Africa Yearbook Volume 14. - Leiden : Brill. - 9789004367630 ; , s. 3-19
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The chapter summarises major developments in sub-Sahara Africa focusing on the themes of elections, conflicts and the status and performance of sub-Sahara Africa in the world economy.
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- Abu Hatab, Assem
(författare)
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Transforming Higher Agricultural Education for Sustainable Food Systems in Egypt : Insights from an Erasmus+ Project
- 2023. - 41
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Ingår i: Youth Commitment to Sustainable Food Systems. - Paris : International Centre for Advanced Mediterranean Agronomic Studies (CIHEAM). ; , s. 44-55
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Summary of the key messages: The following policy recommendations can help moving government and society in Egypt towards a transformation in the higher agricultural education (HAE) system to advance food system sustainability:1. HAE institutions in Egypt should develop better strategic alignment to the national strategic priorities for agricultural development, and strengthen linkages with stakeholders, employers, and the productive sectors in order to make the expected contribution to national agricultural innovation systems.2. HAE institutions should consider setting up innovative mechanisms for monitoring the jobmarket and adapting their curricula in response to changing employment opportunities and technological advances. In connection with this, there is a need for increasing work practice programmes and career training by offering trainings or internships to students to gain more skills and experience for the future job market.3. HAE institutions need to move away from a mere transfer of information to the development of students’ skills in accessing and applying available information for solving sustainability issues within the food system. Therefore, system thinking and interdisciplinary approaches towards HAE are needed to consider the entire food system and treat dimensions of food system sustainability as an “indivisible whole”.4. HAE programmes and curricula should be designed in ways that provide students with knowledge in different fields and from across disciplines in relation to food system sustainability, since transformation towards a more sustainable food system in practice requires integrated knowledge and understanding of science, economics, the environment and social values. Especially, HAE institutions must incorporate the concepts of sustainability and social responsibility into all HAE programmes and curricula in order to root the ideas and values of sustainable agriculture into students.5. A transition towards sustainability in the food system requires HAE institutions to have acadre of educators with a new mindset and the relevant knowledge and pedagogic skills to provide students with up-to-date scientific knowledge and practical skills that increase their technical expertise and ability to apply knowledge in practice and adopt new and creative solutions to food system challenges.6. Egyptian HAE institutions need to open themselves up towards international sources of knowledge and strengthen their partnerships and collaborations with international universities. Developing such partnerships can help Egyptian HAE institutions promote access to quality academic programmes, strengthen inter-regional, inter-cultural exchange and collaboration to create and reconfigure human capital and provide more capacity for research and teaching.7. Making these shifts in policy stance operational requires reformed institutional frameworks, high-level political commitment and an inclusive vision of a sustainable food system. More flexible HAE policies and practices through modifying institutional governance structures for greater institutional flexibility and increased responsiveness to stakeholders are crucial.
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| 3. |
- Adetula, Victor, 1960-, et al.
(författare)
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Africa, United States and Terrorism : Revisiting Sulayman Nyang on US-Led GlobalWar against Terrorism
- 2018
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Ingår i: African Intellectuals and State of the Continent. - Newcastle upon Tyne, UK : Cambridge Scholars Publishing. ; , s. 196-218
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This chapter attempts to address three key questions: First, how is Professor Sulayman Nyang’s scholarly contributions and policy prescriptions understood and responded to in broad intellectual discourse on Africa and international terrorism? Second, what is the status of the war against terrorism in the external relations of Africa states with special attention to relations with the United States and other Western Powers? Third, what is the relevance of the global war on terrorism in international relations today? The chapter notes Professor Sulayman Nyang’s contributions to the scholarship on Islamic militancy, international terrorism and the US-led global war against terrorism including his deep insights on changes in the international system and Africa. Africa is generally regarded in the West as the weakest link in the war against international terrorism; it is the political territory that can easily be penetrated by international terrorists. African states are poor, weak and corrupt. These failed states do not have effective government that is able to deliver public goods to its population or even exercise control over much of its territory. In this way these states are threat both to their citizens and the international community that comes under risk as a result of possible violent reactions by deprived and frustrated citizens that generate global problems including international terrorism. However, while many African governments have not earned the respect of the Western countries, the latter have maintained close economic relationship with them most arguably for economic and geo-political importance. These strong ties between Africa and Western countries have spill over to the security sector with the United States and other Western Powers providing assistance and support to help African governments develop and manage their anti-terrorist and counter insurgencies strategies.
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| 7. |
- Adetula, Victor, 1960-
(författare)
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Fiscal federalism and government performance in Nigeria
- 2016
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Ingår i: Nigerian federalism. - Ibadan : Safari Books Ltd. - 9789788431992 - 9789788431985 ; , s. 111-145
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- An underlying assumption of fiscal federalism is that it should create incentives for both the central and constituent governments to efficiently and effectively deliver services to their citizens. Recent discontents with Nigeria’s federal practice, especially since 1999 when the country returned to civil rule, are mostly associated with issues of fiscal federalism. Disputes and conflicts now occur more frequently between the federal and state governments that have to do with resource allocations and intergovernmental finance especially the intergovernmental fiscal transfers. The perceived vertical and horizontal inequalities engendered by the extant revenue sharing formula and the strident demands in several quarters for “true federalism” have become one of the critical sources of threat to Nigerian nationhood. These trends point to contradictions in the conceptualization and implementation of the Nigerian federalism including its fiscal components. This chapter discusses the challenges of fiscal federalism in Nigeria within the context of the principle of decentralisation, which is understood generally as the devolution by a central government of political, administrative and fiscal powers to local-level government. It also assesses the effects of decentralisation on government performance and the implications for good governance especially since 1999 when the country returned to civil rule. In order to understand decentralisation it is essential for one to study how government is working at the sub-national levels. Fiscal federalism is treated in this chapter from a broad perspective, which is not limited by either the discipline of Economics especially its classical notion of “fiscal federalism” or the discourse in Political Science on “federalism and democracy”. The approach adopted here is the historical perspective; one that presents a holistic analysis of the challenges of Nigeria’s fiscal federalism in relation to their origins as well as current phases. Therefore, the task here is undertaken guided by the wisdom in Adiele Afigbo’s counsel that “the best way to know anything is to know how it began, what factors dictated its origins and what factors dictate its development, as well as where it is heading.” Thus, while it is necessary to pay attention to contemporary trends and developments in the practice of federal system in Nigeria, and factor these into explanatory frameworks for understanding fiscal federalism in the country, it is important that the historical context be incorporated into the discourse. In this regard, historical realities and social conditions such as the colonial origins of the Nigerian federalism, and the overwhelming influence and domination of the federal polity by the military for a period of over three decades need to be recognized as important background or contextualizing variables. Structural and institutional problems in the Nigeria political economy such as over dependence on income from oil and its associated problems, the nature and character of the Nigerian state, and the orientation of the power elites that exhibit greed and lack of patriotism constitute essential part of the intervening variables. Also of importance is the emerging democratic environment in the country that is providing an enabling milieu for the expression of dissatisfaction with the status and role of the centre in the federation’s fiscal system.
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| 9. |
- Adetula, Victor, 1960-
(författare)
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People's Democratic Party and 2015 General Elections : The Morbidity of a Giant
- 2017
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Ingår i: The Nigerian General Elections of 2015. - Ibadan, Nigeria : John Archers Publishers. - 9789785527407 ; , s. 27-52
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) was established in 1998 at the time when Nigeria was under pressure from the international community to undertake political reform in preparation for anticipated return to civil rule. The PDP formed the first government after the country re-introduced civil rule in May 1999 and remained the ruling party at the national level and also in government in the majority of states of the federation until May 2015 when it lost to the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the presidential election, and unexpectedly recorded defeat in the other elections. The climax was on March 28, 2015 when Nigeria held its fifth presidential election and an incumbent president, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan was defeated by retired Major-General Mohammed Buhari who was contesting the presidential election for the fourth time. Apart from its remarkable victory in the previous four successive presidential elections, the PDP had a comfortable majority in the national legislature between 1999 and 2015. However, towards the end of President Obasanjo’s tenure, the party had started to experience disturbing cracks in its internal cohesion. It eventual defeat by the APC at both the presidential and state levels puts an abrupt end to the hegemony of the self-styled “largest political party in Africa” with a vision of “ruling Nigeria for sixty years”. This chapter presents analysis of the remote and immediate causes of the poor performance of the PDP in the 2015 elections. What are the remote and immediate causes of the defeat of the PDP in the 2015 elections? What was the nature of public support for the party and its presidential candidate? Was the dwindling public support for the party linked to its diagnostic analysis of the challenges of governance and development in the country? What was the role of the Jonathan presidency in the political misfortune of the party? What was the capacity of the party to cope with some of the changes and innovations in the electoral process that may have contributed to the outcomes of the 2015 elections? How has the PDP faired since the inauguration of the new APC-led government? Is the party adjusting well to playing the role of an opposition party? How well has the party faired in this regard, and what are the lessons learned? And finally, how does the electoral misfortune of the PDP helps us to understand the strength and weaknesses of the democratic institutions in Nigeria? As many are these questions that one consider useful for understanding the party system in modern Nigeria.
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