| 1. |
- Brännström, Leila, et al.
(författare)
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Genom lagen blir vi alla lika/olika
- 2004
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Ingår i: Fronesis. - 1404-2614. ; :14-15, s. 28-37
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 2. |
- de Moor, Joost, et al.
(författare)
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Country reports: Sweden
- 2019
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Ingår i: Protest for a future. - Bryssel : Confederation Syndicat European Trade Union. ; , s. 19-31, s. 96-111
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 3. |
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| 4. |
- Elgenius, Gabriella, et al.
(författare)
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The changing political landscape in Sweden Political cleavages, actors and processes
- 2018
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Ingår i: Sociologisk Forskning. - : Sveriges Sociologförbund. - 0038-0342 .- 2002-066X. ; 55:2-3, s. 139-154
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The political landscape in Sweden has undergone considerable changes in recent decades The number of political parties in the Swedish parliament has increased from five to eight, and the socio-economic issues of the traditional political right-left scale has been challenged by sociocultural issues relating to lifestyle and identity. Notably, the notion of Swedish exceptionalism and the particularities of its welfare state is lingering despite findings pointing in the opposite direction e.g. with the increased electoral support for the radical right, and its ethno-nationalist and anti-immigrant rhetoric. The corporatist model has been challenged by new forms of political authority, participation and representation. New political actors, such as social movements and civil society actors, think tanks and policy professionals, are becoming increasingly engaged in political processes. The long-term trend suggests that traditionally marginalised groups, such as the young, women and groups of migrant background, are represented in decision-making forums to a higher degree than before. Yet, current conditions need further analysis. In this article, we provide a background to Sociologisk Forskning's special issue on the political landscape of the parliamentary election in 2018.
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| 5. |
- Emilsson, Kajsa, et al.
(författare)
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Frame Disputes or Frame Consensus? : "Environment" or "Welfare" First Amongst Climate Strike Protesters
- 2020
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Ingår i: Sustainability. - : MDPI. - 2071-1050. ; 12:3
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Present debates suppose a close linkage between economic, social, and environmental sustainability and suggest that individual wellbeing and living standards need to be understood as directly linked to environmental concerns. Because social movements are often seen as an avant-garde in pushing for change, this article analyzes climate protesters’ support for three key frames in current periods of social transformation, i.e., an "environmental", an "economic growth", and a "welfare" frame. The analyzed data material consists of survey responses from over 900 participants in six Global Climate Strikes held in Sweden during 2019. The article investigates the explanatory relevance of three factors: (a) political and ideological orientation, (b) movement involvement, and (c) social characteristics. The results indicate that climate protesters to a large degree support an environmental frame before an economic growth-oriented frame, whereas the situation is more complex regarding support for a welfare frame vis-á-vis an environmental frame. The strongest factors explaining frame support include social characteristics (gender) and protestors’ political and ideological orientation. Movement involvement has limited significance. The article shows how these frames form a fragment of the complexity of these issues, and instances of frame distinctions, hierarchies, and disputes emerge within the most current forms of climate change demonstrations.
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| 6. |
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| 7. |
- Hellström, Anders, et al.
(författare)
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National myth-making and populist mobilization in Scandinavia
- 2013
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Ingår i: Partecipazione e conflitto. - : Edizioni Franco Angeli. - 1972-7623. ; 6:3
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This paper analyzes if and how the Sweden Democrats (the SD), the Danish People’s Party (the DPP) and the Progress Party (the PP) in Norway use myths of national exclusiveness and myths about the common man to radicalize popularly held sentiments to attract votes and gain political credibility in political space. The specific contribution is that we consider national myths to be a relevant political opportunity structure in the political competition of the votes. We conclude that both the SD and the DPP make use of national myths to gain credibility in the political space, in order to sustain populist mobilization in these countries. However, this is not the case with the PP in Norway. One possible explanation is that already before the PP emerged, other political parties in Norway, such as the Center Party, occupied the niche of national myths in the electoral market.
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| 8. |
- Hylmö, Anders, et al.
(författare)
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Does class matter in anti-austerity protests? Social class, attitudes towards inequality, and political trust in European demonstrations in a time of economic crisis
- 2015
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Ingår i: Austerity and Protest: Popular Contention in Times of Economic Crisis. - Farnham : Ashgate. - 9781472439185 ; , s. 83-109
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this chapter, we compare the class composition of four types of anti-austerity demonstrations—Occupy/Indignados, trade union, May Day and other anti-austerity protests—with “new social movement” demonstrations. This allow us to, firstly, scrutinize whether contemporary anti-austerity protests attract more participants from the lower classes—in particular the working class—than from the upper strata. Since austerity policies tend to affect the general population differently, and in particular worsen the social conditions for the lower classes, it is interesting to see whether these policies mobilize the groups that are primarily affected by them. In this comparison, we explore and analyze survey data from 75 demonstrations collected within the research program “Caught in the Act of Protest: Contextualizing Contestation” (CCC). Secondly, we use the same data to examine the impact of social class on political attitudes among protesters, focusing issues that have been at the forefront during the last few years’ wave of protest: deepening social inequality, welfare privatization, and distrust in political elites. This analysis allow us to scrutinize to which degree the “framing” of the protests possibly contributes to the demonstrators’ attitudes towards austerity measures, economic inequality and their governments—or if the attitudes of the protesters are best explained by their individual social class, or even the national context in which the demonstration takes place. Social class is measured in two different ways. First, with the recently developed occupation-based Oesch class scheme, in which class is conceptualized as the individual’s “objective” position in the labor market. Secondly, we focus individuals’ self-categorizations of which class they belong to, i.e. their class identity, which can be seen as the “subjective” side of class. Our analysis also show the different merits of these two conceptualizations of class for analyzing political protests.
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| 9. |
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| 10. |
- Johansson, Håkan, et al.
(författare)
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Multilevel Strategies for Political Influence : How and Why Do Domestic Civil Society Organisations Seek Political Influence at National and EU Levels?
- 2018
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Ingår i: Journal of Contemporary European Research. - : University Association for Contemporary European Studies. - 1815-347X. ; 14:2, s. 68-86
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article addresses domestic civil society organisations (CSOs) and their multilevel strategies for gaining political influence in the European Union. Drawing on a theoretical framework identifying different ‘routes’ that CSOs can take in a multilevel system of EU governance, this article analyses which routes or combination of routes CSOs take and investigates what organisational factors can explain similarities and differences among domestic CSOs’ multilevel strategies for political influence. Factors like type of organisation, organisational resources, level of activity and perceived relevance of national and EU political levels are combined. The article shows that CSOs tend to choose a combination of routes and that most of them also participate at the national level when trying to influence EU policy. The article furthermore finds that domestic CSOs seek to influence EU policies above all when they organise around issues that face potential conflicts between national and EU policies, illustrating the analytical significance of how CSOs perceive different political levels.
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