| 1. |
- Bynander, Fredrik, 1970-, et al.
(författare)
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The art of handing over : (mis)managing party leadership successions
- 2008
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Ingår i: Government and Opposition. - : Cambridge University Press (CUP). - 0017-257X .- 1477-7053. ; 43:3, s. 385-404
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Successful attempts by leaders of democratic political parties to hand over their position at a time and to a heir of their own choosing are quite rare. In this paper we examine how and why this might be the case. After placing the issue of managed transition in the broader literature on party leadership succession, we develop a conceptual framework for understanding succession processes and the strategic choices therein faced by both incumbent leaders and prospective successors. This is then applied to two Dutch case studies and, more briefly, a series of reference cases. This analysis suggests key factors shaping the success and failure of political succession management in parties: the anointed successor’s `rooting’ in the party and/or his perceived vote-getting potential; the maintenance of cooperation and trust between incumbent and heir apparent in an environment containing many forces driving them apart; and propitious timing of the public announcement of the succession arrangement.
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| 2. |
- Bynander, Fredrik, 1970-, et al.
(författare)
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The Politics of Party Leader Survival and Succession : Australia in Comparative Perspective
- 2007
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Ingår i: Australian Journal of Political Science. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1036-1146 .- 1363-030X. ; 42:1, s. 47-72
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The processes of replacement of party leaders are well-published events in media outlets across the world's democracies, but are scarcely analysed by political scientists. In this article we examine the extent to which incumbent party leaders are able to control their own fate in the face of various types of challenges that herald a possible end to their rule. It discusses three related research questions derived from this main objective: (1) what makes incumbents quit? (2) How do incumbents respond to various types of triggers heralding a possible end to their rule? (3) To what extent does incumbent behaviour prior to and following succession affect the fortunes of their successors and their party? We draw on a four-country-eight-party data set of leadership successions between 1945 and 2005, and on findings of in-depth studies of Australian cases to show that not only do Australian leaders get challenged and replaced more frequently than do other leaders, but they are also forced to combat more internal rivalry than their counterparts elsewhere.
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| 3. |
- Bynander, Fredrik, 1970-, et al.
(författare)
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When Power Changes Hands : The Political Psychology of Leadership Succession in Democracies
- 2006
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : Wiley. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 27:5, s. 707-730
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Leadership succession in democratic governments and political parties is an ubiquitous but relatively understudied phenomen, where the political becomes intensely personal and vice versa. This article outlines the puzzles that leadership succession poses to political analysts, reviews the literature, and offers a conceptual framework deconstructing the process in terms of a flow from succession contexts and triggers via the role choices of key participants (incumbents and aspiring successors) through to the eventual succession outcomes. It concludes by presenting a series of testable hypotheses to describe and explain leadership successions.
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| 4. |
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| 5. |
- Egnell, Robert
(författare)
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Between reluctance and necessity : the utility of military force in humanitarian and development operations
- 2008
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Ingår i: Small Wars & Insurgencies. - 0959-2318 .- 1743-9558. ; 19:3, s. 397-422
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The civil-military interface in peace support operations is changing due to increasingly overlapping tasks, increased military involvement in humanitarian activities, and increased integration of all involved actors, not least through various current strategic concepts. This article not only describes these trends, but also, more importantly, analyses certain consequences in terms of mission effectiveness. The focus of the analysis is the ideas of 'militarisation of humanitarian aid' and the reverse 'humanitarianisation of the military'. The main arguments of this contribution are that the assumptions of increased effectiveness stemming from civil-military integration cannot be taken for granted and that there are harmful consequences stemming from blurring the lines between civilian, humanitarian and military actors. There is, in other words, a need to better specify and explain the causal mechanisms that lead to effectiveness in complex peace support operations.
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| 6. |
- Egnell, Robert
(författare)
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Explaining US and British performance in complex expeditionary operations : The civil-military dimension
- 2006
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Ingår i: Journal of Strategic Studies. - 0140-2390 .- 1743-937X. ; 29:6, s. 1041-1075
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- A nation's structure and culture of civil-military relations are important and largely overlooked factors in explaining the performance of armed forces involved in complex expeditionary operations. The US model of 'Huntingtonian', divided civil-military structures and poor interagency cooperation, makes the US military less suited for complex expeditionary operations. British civil-military relations involve a Defence Ministry that conscientiously integrates military and civilian personnel, as well as extensive interagency cooperation and coordination. This 'Janowitzean', integrated form of civil-military relations makes the British military more likely to provide for the planning and implementation of comprehensive campaigns that employ and coordinate all instruments of power available to the state, as well as troops in the field displaying the flexibility and cultural and political understanding that are necessary in complex expeditionary operations.
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| 7. |
- Egnell, Robert, 1975-, et al.
(författare)
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Laudable, ahistorical and overambitious : Security sector reform meets state formation theory.
- 2009
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Ingår i: Conflict, Security and Development. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1467-8802 .- 1478-1174. ; 9:1, s. 27-54
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Security sector reform (SSR) is a concept that is highly visible within policy and practice circles and that increasingly shapes international programmes for development assistance, security co-operation and democracy promotion. This paper examines the concept and practice of SSR using theories of the state and state formation within a historical-philosophical perspective. The paper recognises that the processes of SSR are highly laudable and present great steps forward towards more holistic conceptions of security and international development. However, the main argument of the paper is that we should be careful of having too high expectations of the possibility of SSR fulfilling its ambitious goals of creating states that are both stable and democratic and accountable. Instead, we should carefully determine what level of ambition is realistic for each specific project depending on local circumstances. A further argument of this paper is that legitimate order and functioning state structures are prerequisites and preconditions for successful democratisation and accountability reforms within the security sector.
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
- Henje Blom, Eva, 1962-, et al.
(författare)
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Heart rate variability is related to self-reported physical activity in a healthy adolescent population
- 2009
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Ingår i: European Journal of Applied Physiology. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1439-6319 .- 1439-6327. ; 106:6, s. 877-883
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This study investigated whether there is a relationship between heart rate variability (HRV) versus lifestyle and risk factors for cardiovascular disease in a population of healthy adolescents. HRV is as an index of tonic autonomic activity and in adults HRV is related to lifestyle and risk factors for cardiovascular disease, but it is not known if this is the case in adolescents. HRV was registered for 4 min in sitting position in 99 healthy adolescents (age range 15 years 11 months-17 years 7 months) and repeated after 6 months. On both occasions there were significant correlations (P < 0.05) between physical activity and HRV, with respective r values: high frequency (HF) 0.26, 0.30; low frequency power (LF) 0.35, 0.29 and the standard deviation of inter-beat intervals (SDNN) 0.28, 0.37. There was no significant interaction between first and second measurements. In contrast, there were no correlations to sleeping patterns, eating habits and smoking. Risk factors for cardiovascular disease [body mass index (BMI = weight (kg)/length in m(2)), systolic blood pressure and p-glucose] did not show any repeatable significant correlations to HRV. Multiple regression models showed that physical activity was a predictor for HF, LF and SDNN in both measurements. In conclusion HF, LF and SDNN were reproducible after 6 months and were related to physical activity on both occasions.
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| 10. |
- Hultman, Lisa, 1978-
(författare)
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The Power to Hurt in Civil War : The Strategic Aim of Renamo Violence
- 2009
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Ingår i: Journal of Southern African Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0305-7070 .- 1465-3893. ; 35:4, s. 821-834
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article develops a theoretical explanation for the seemingly indiscriminate violence used by Renamo during the civil war in Mozambique, a phenomenon which dominant theories on civil war violence cannot account for fully. The analysis builds on interviews with the Renamo leadership and Mozambican academics as well as secondary sources on the patterns of violence. It concludes that Renamo used mass violence to weaken the support for the government and create war fatigue. The main strategy was to cause enough damage to pressure the government into entering negotiations. The use of most violence against civilians in those areas where the population was believed to support the government, in combination with a clear objective to destabilise the government and a disciplined military organisation, support the argument that mass violence was employed to demonstrate ‘the power to hurt’.
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