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1.
  • Ambrazaitis, Gilbert, et al. (författare)
  • F0 Peak Timing, Height, and Shape as Independent Features
  • 2014
  • Ingår i: Proc. of The 4th International Symposium on Tonal Aspects of Languages, Nijmegen, The Netherlands. - ISCA. ; s. 138-142
  • Konferensbidrag (refereegranskat)abstract
    • A considerable amount of evidence from several intonation languages (e.g., German, English, Italian) supports the idea that F0 peak timing, height, and shape variables form a feature bundle, which is used to encode two-fold intonational (e.g., sentence-level) pitch accent distinctions such as L+H* vs. L*+H. The three types of features in the bundle can be weighted differently but the outcome seems to be functionally equivalent. In this sense, they are ‘substitute phonetic features’. This paper presents data from two distinct prosodic dialect types of Swedish, a pitch-accent language, suggesting that these F0 variables can also be used independently of each other in order to encode two different contrasts (i.e., a three-fold contrast), each of which phonetically and functionally related to the L+H* vs. L*+H distinction in an intonation language. For Central Swedish, we observe two peak raising strategies which go along with differently shaped rises: ‘extending’ (= faster rise) and ‘shifting’ (= slower rise), which tend to be used to signal ‘speaker-related’ emphasis (e.g., ‘surprise’) or ‘messagerelated’ emphasis (e.g., ‘correction’), respectively. For Southern Swedish, we observe an ‘extended’ peak and an ‘extended and delayed’ peak.
2.
  • Ambrazaitis, Gilbert, 1979-, et al. (författare)
  • F0 peak timing, height, and shape as independent features
  • 2014
  • Ingår i: TAL 2014. The 4th International Symposium on Tonal Aspects of Languages : Nijmegen, The Netherlands, May 13-16, 2014. - Nijmegen : The International Speech Communication Association (ISCA). ; s. 138-142
  • Konferensbidrag (refereegranskat)abstract
    • A considerable amount of evidence from several intonation languages (e.g., German, English, Italian) supports the idea that F0 peak timing, height, and shape variables form a feature bundle, which is used to encode two-fold intonational (e.g., sentence-level) pitch accent distinctions such as L+H* vs. L*+H. The three types of features in the bundle can be weighted differently but the outcome seems to be functionally equivalent. In this sense, they are ‘substitute phonetic features’. This paper presents data from two distinct prosodic dialect types of Swedish, a pitch-accent language, suggesting that these F0 variables can also be used independently of each other in order to encode two different contrasts (i.e., a three-fold contrast), each of which phonetically and functionally related to the L+H* vs. L*+H distinction in an intonation language. For Central Swedish, we observe two peak raising strategies which go along with differently shaped rises: ‘extending’ (= faster rise) and ‘shifting’ (= slower rise), which tend to be used to signal ‘speaker-related’ emphasis (e.g., ‘surprise’) or ‘message- related’ emphasis (e.g., ‘correction’), respectively. For Southern Swedish, we observe an ‘extended’ peak and an ‘extended and delayed’ peak.
3.
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4.
  • Ambrazaitis, Gilbert, 1979-, et al. (författare)
  • On the Intonation of Confirmations in Southern Swedish
  • 2013
  • Ingår i: Nordic Prosody : Proceedings of the XIth Conference, Tartu 2012. - Peter Lang Publishing Group. - 978-3-653-03047-1 ; s. 87-96
  • Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt)abstract
    • This paper studies how confirmations are intoned by nine speakers of Southern Swedish. Test phrases like ja, det var med bilen/bilar ‘yes, it was by car’ (Accent 1)/‘...with cars’ (Accent 2) were elicited, both as new-information responses and confirmations. Speakers made a clear distinction between the utterance types using two, simultaneous intonation strategies. First, they realised the nuclear accent on the target word with a considerably lower F0 peak in con- firmations than in new-information responses. Second, they added a pre-nuclear accent on the verb in confirmations. While they maintained the word-accent distinction on the target word in confirmations, the encoding of the word accent (Accent 1) on the verb seemed to be op- tional. This suggests that the pre-nuclear accent serves a primarily intonational function and that Southern Swedish may have purely intonational pitch accents, contrary to the traditional view. 
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7.
  • Ambrazaitis, Gilbert, et al. (författare)
  • The prosody of contrastive topics in Southern Swedish
  • 2012
  • Ingår i: Proceedings FONETIK 2012 : The XXVth Swedish Phonetics Conference, May 30–June 1, 2012. - University of Gothenburg. - 978-91-637-0985-2 ; s. 1-4
  • Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt)abstract
    • This paper presents a pilot study on the prosodic marking of a contrastive topic in Southern Swedish. A test sentence was elicited in three experimental conditions: initial focus; final focus; contrastive topic (initial word) plus focus (final word). F0 patterns were analysed in recordings of 10 speakers. A majority of the speakers distinguished clearly between the conditions, but speakers employed different strategies. The most common one involved modifying the range and/or level of the F0 patterns given by the lexical pitch accents. Another frequent strategy involved a rising pitch accent on the initial word, where the lexical pitch accent would normally stipulate a fall. This result was unexpected and indicates that Southern Swedish sentence intonation might be more complex than typically assumed.
8.
  • Ambrazaitis, Gilbert, 1979-, et al. (författare)
  • The prosody of contrastive topics in Southern Swedish
  • 2012
  • Ingår i: Proceedings from FONETIK 2012. - Gothenburg : Department of Philosophy, Linguistics and Theory of Science, University of Gothenburg. - 978-91-637-0985-2 ; s. 1-4
  • Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt)abstract
    • This paper presents a pilot study on the prosodic marking of a contrastive topic in Southern Swedish. A test sentence was elicited in three experimental conditions: initial focus; final focus; contrastive topic (initial word) plus focus (final word). F0 patterns were analysed in recordings of 10 speakers. A majority of the speakers distinguished clearly between the conditions, but speakers employed different strategies. The most common one involved modifying the range and/or level of the F0 patterns given by the lexical pitch accents. Another frequent strategy involved a rising pitch accent on the initial word, where the lexical pitch accent would normally stipulate a fall. This result was unexpected and indicates that Southern Swedish sentence intonation might be more complex than typically assumed.
9.
  • Anderberg, Eva, et al. (författare)
  • Prevalence of impaired glucose tolerance and diabetes after gestational diabetes mellitus comparing different cut-off criteria for abnormal glucose tolerance during pregnancy.
  • 2011
  • Ingår i: Acta Obstetricia et Gynecologica Scandinavica. - Wiley-Blackwell. - 1600-0412. ; 90, s. 1252-1258
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Objective. To determine the prevalence of diabetes and impaired glucose tolerance after gestational diabetes mellitus in relation to different categories of glucose tolerance during pregnancy. Design. Prospective study. Setting. Four delivery departments and three hospitals in southern Sweden took part in recruitment and follow-up. Population. Women undergoing a 75 g oral glucose tolerance test during pregnancy delivering in 2003-2005. Methods. At first follow-up, 1-2 years after delivery, 29% of eligible women with abnormal glucose tolerance during pregnancy had an oral glucose tolerance test; 160 with gestational diabetes, 309 with gestational impaired glucose tolerance, in addition to 167 control women. Cut-off levels defining gestational diabetes and impaired glucose tolerance were 2-hour capillary blood glucose levels 9.0 and 7.8 mmol/l or plasma glucose 10.0 and 8.6 mmol/l, respectively. Main outcome measures. Frequency of abnormal test results at follow-up. Results: Diabetes was diagnosed in 11% and impaired glucose tolerance in 24% of women with gestational diabetes vs. 4% and 23% in those with gestational impaired glucose tolerance. Combining women with abnormal test results during pregnancy revealed diabetes or impaired glucose tolerance in 29% as compared to 10% among controls; the odds ratio (95% confidence interval) for having abnormal test results was 3.3 (1.8-5.9) in a multivariate logistic regression analysis. Conclusions: Lowering the cut-off level for gestational diabetes to also include the category of impaired glucose tolerance would identify a high percentage of women with diabetes and impaired glucose tolerance postpartum, they constitute target groups for intervention and/or diabetes prevention.
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10.
  • Botinis, Antonis, et al. (författare)
  • Syllable structure and tonal representation Revisiting focal Accent II in Swedish
  • 2014
  • Ingår i: Proceedings from FONETIK 2014. Stockholm, June 9-11, 2014 : PERILUS XXIV, June 2014. - Stockholm : Department of Linguistics, Stockholm University. - 978-91-637-5662-7 - 978-91-637-5663-4 ; s. 65-70
  • Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt)abstract
    • This is a study of tonal representation as a function of syllable structure constituency in Swedish. The results of a production experiment indicate that the onset of the focal accent rise – which we suggest to be best represented by a bitonal LH command – is associated with the consonant onset of the post- accented syllable. Furthermore, a vowel insertion is favored in certain intervocalic consonant clusters. In light of these findings, as well a parallel study on Greek, we claim: (1) syllabification is a basic prerequisite condition in tonal analysis and intonation studies, (2) tonal targets may define syllable boundaries and hence syllabification and (3) different tonal targets may be associated with different syllable structure constituents in different languages.
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