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- Venter, Zander S., et al.
(författare)
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Green Apartheid : Urban green infrastructure remains unequally distributed across income and race geographies in South Africa
- 2020
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Ingår i: Landscape and Urban Planning. - : Elsevier BV. - 0169-2046 .- 1872-6062. ; 203
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Urban green infrastructure provides ecosystem services that are essential to human wellbeing. A dearth of national-scale assessments in the Global South has precluded the ability to explore how political regimes, such as the forced racial segregation in South Africa during and after Apartheid, have influenced the extent of and access to green infrastructure over time. We investigate whether there are disparities in green infrastructure distributions across race and income geographies in urban South Africa. Using open-source satellite imagery and geographic information, along with national census statistics, we find that public and private green infrastructure is more abundant, accessible, greener and more treed in high-income relative to low-income areas, and in areas where previously advantaged racial groups (i.e. White citizens) reside. Areas with White residents report 6-fold higher income, have 11.7% greater tree cover, 8.9% higher vegetation greenness and live 700 m closer to a public park than areas with predominantly Black African, Indian, and Coloured residents. The inequity in neighborhood greenness levels has been maintained (for Indian and Coloured areas) and further entrenched (for Black African areas) since the end of Apartheid in 1994 across the country. We also find that these spatial inequities are mirrored in both private (gardens) and public (street verges, parks, green belts) spaces, hinting at the failure of governance structures to plan for and implement urban greening initiatives. By leveraging open-access satellite data and methods presented here, there is scope for civil society to monitor urban green infrastructure over time and thereby hold governments accountable to addressing environmental justice imperatives in the future.
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- Poulsen, Jonas
(författare)
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After Apartheid : The Effects of ANC Power
- 2013
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The African National Congress (ANC) can look back on eighty years of struggle which resulted in the liberation of black Africans, the creation of a democratic constitution and free elections. However, the last twenty years of ANC rule has been criticized for the failure to bring higher living standards for the formerly oppressed. With the party's dominance and the challanges facing South Africa in mind, I estimate the effect of ANC power in municipalities on economic, social and budgetary outcomes. To estimate the causal effect of the party, this paper uses an instrumental variable approach developed by Freier & Odendahl (2012) and a regression discontinuity design. Taken together, the results point to an adverse effect of the party: less is spent on repairs and water provision which in turn may explain why ANC power seems to lower the share of individuals who have access to piped water and electricity. Further, more resources are used on municipal employees and the councillors themselves, while I find suggestive evidence of an increase in the poverty rate due to the party. Lastly, although being their major political support, we cannot conclude that the ANC affects black African's living standards. From the IV analysis, I find indications that oppositional parties many times have a more positive impact on outcomes as they gain power at the expence of the ANC.
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- Stotesbury, John A.
(författare)
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Apartheid, liberalism, and romance : a critical investigation of the writing of Joy Packer
- 1996
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This is the first full-length study of the writing of the South African Joy Packer (1905-1977), whose 17 works of autobiography and romantic fiction were primarily popular. Packer’s writing, which appeared mainly between 1945 and 1977, blends popular narrative with contemporary social and political discourses. Her first main works, three volumes of memoirspublished between 1945 and 1953, cover her experience of a wide area of the world before,during and after the Second World War: South Africa, Britain, the Mediterranean and theBalkans, and China. In the early 1950s she also toured extensive areas of colonial "DarkestAfrica." When Packer retired to the Cape with her British husband, Admiral Sir Herbert Packer,after an absence of more than 25 years, she adopted fiction as an alternative literary mode. Hersubsequent production, ten popular romantic novels and a further three volumes of memoirs, isnotable for the density of its sociopolitical commentary on contemporary South Africa.This thesis takes as its starting-point the dilemma, formulated by the South African critic Dorothy Driver, of the white woman writing within a colonial environment which compels herto adopt contradictory, ambivalent and oblique discursive stances and strategies. The pragmaticintention of this thesis is, then, to (re)read Packer for her treatment of that problematic in thecontext of South Africa.The approach adopted centres on the reciprocity within Packer’s writing between itsgeneric conventions and its discursive environment, broadly defined here as pre-1950 imperial Britain and, in the main, colonial and apartheid South Africa. Within a critical-biographical frame, attention is paid first to formal aspects of the popular memoir and the popular romanticnovel. Their discursive function vis-à-vis their apartheid environment is then examined withina series of comparative studies. The burden of the analysis rests, in part, on the identity of Packer’s fiction as politicised romans à thèse and, in part, on her personal identification withpolitical liberalism in South Africa, most notably the Cape liberalism of her youth and thevarious manifestations of liberalism under apartheid. By focusing on differing motifs—Packer’sprofessed adherence to political liberalism, her treatment of race within the idealising constructions of popular romance, the metonymy of the fictional family and the patriarchal state,and her portrayal of women held hostage by the racial and masculine other—the study discussesthe extent to which the contradictions predicted by Driver’s analysis exist within the apparentlyseamless fabric of Packer’s narratives.The investigation concludes by recentring its focus on the narrativised identity of the white woman in a colonial environment, at the same time seeking confirmation of the several reasons for Packer’s writing to have gained only contemporary rather than lasting approval.
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- Henriksson, Lennart, et al.
(författare)
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A Journey with a Status Confessionis. Analysis of an apartheid related conflict between the Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa and the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, 1982-1998
- 2010
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Ingår i: Swedish Missiological Themes. - Uppsala : Swedish Institute of Missionary Research. - 0346-217X. ; 98:1, s. 127-129
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This dissertation deals with the conflict between the World Alliance of Reformed Churches (WARC) - the worldwide Reformed movement - and the Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa (DRC) regarding the latter's support for and theological legitimizing of apartheid. One of the strongest measures possible was taken when the issue in 1982 was declared a Status Confessionis and the Dutch Reformed Church was suspended from the fellowship. To declare a Status Confessionis is to declare it an issue on which it is not possible to differ without seriously jeopardizing the integrity of the common confession as Reformed Churches. When the DRC in 1998 is said to have fulfilled the three conditions raised in 1982 they are welcomed back into the fellowship again. Between these years a vibrant, sometimes fierce, debate was ongoing involving not only the DRC and the WARC, but the so-called DRC mission churches, (i.e. the non-white churches emanating from the DRC), the ecumenical movement on national and international level, and many more. The conflict took place within the social, political and ecclesial setting of a rapidly changing South Africa. Although not a dissertation about apartheid, it - as a result of its all-encompassing influence on everything in South Africa - is an important underlying factor. To be able to handle these broad perspectives I have used Edwards W. Said's contrapuntal thinking. The main part of the dissertation is five chapters dealing with the conflict from five different angles - each of which adds new insights to the basic questions. I pose two sets of questions. One is dealing with the three requirements the WARC demanded the DRC to fulfil; what they really meant, whether they were fulfilled and about why the WARC despite much hesitation accepted the DRC back. The other is centred on a reflection on to what extent the DRC'S apartheid policy and its relation to its so-called daughter churches could be understood as a consequence of its mission policy. For reflection on the last question I make use of David Bosch's thinking around the emerging ecumenical missionary paradigm. Among the five chapters there are two - about the WARC and the Status Confessionis issue, and the question concerning whether the DRC really is changing – that stands out as being especially central. Still, in January 2010, the unity between the DRC and the former non-white churches, aimed at by way of the measures taken by the WARC, has not been reached. The symbolic saying 'the ball is now between the goalposts' can be questioned.
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- Schierup, Carl-Ulrik, 1948-
(författare)
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A toxic embrace : migration, labour, and the Rainbow nation’s neoliberal pact
- 2015. - 1
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Ingår i: Migration, precarity, and global governance. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780198728863 ; , s. 197-222
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- South African apartheid stands out in the academic literature as a generic case of the discriminatory political economy of migration in modern capitalism. In this chapter Carl-Ulrik Schierup brings into focus recent developments in post-apartheid South Africa, which is fractured by outbreaks of xenophobia and upset by police violence against striking workers. It is a historical moment presenting labour unions and other movements of civil society with imminent challenges. It signifies a current crisis of South Africa’s celebrated ‘community’ or ‘social movement’ unionism in the context of globalisation, corporate restructuring, a vast and exacerbated social inequality, the informalisation of labour, and a re-racialising regional migration system. It posits that a third way back to the future for trade unions, between politics of irregular migration and a new ‘global apartheid’ of ‘managed migration’, may be through retrieving their own past rootedness in workplaces and local communities, and in organising internal and cross border migrants.
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- Ängsal, Magnus Pettersson, 1980
(författare)
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Sprach- und Geschichtsgebrauch. Apartheid-Analogien in deutschen Medientexten nach 1994 : Use of language and history. Analogies of apartheid in German media texts after 1994
- 2017
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Ingår i: Acta Germanica. German Studies in Africa. - 0065-1273. ; 45:1, s. 74-89
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article focuses on present day usage of historical analogies with the word Apartheid (once a positive political key word in its Afrikaans context) in German compounds. The underlying idea is that historical analogies aim at conceptualising events from the past to capture a phenomenon in the present. The corpus comprises media texts from four German daily and weekly newspapers 1994-2014, i.e. in the post-apartheid era. Among the 3101 compounds (tokens) with Apartheid as the first or last constituent, there are 204 referring metaphorically to something else than systematic racial segregation in southern Africa. Two dominant thematic fields can be found. First, Apartheid is used in contexts concerning gender relations, specifically in a religious and foremost Islamic framework, and second, in the context of Israel/Palestine. Thus, gender relations and the treatment of Palestinians by the Israeli government are conceptualised as a kind of apartheid.
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- van der Watt, Lize-Marié
(författare)
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Return to Gondwanaland : South Africa, Antarctica, minerals and apartheid
- 2013
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Ingår i: The Polar Journal. - : Routledge. - 2154-896X .- 2154-8978. ; 3:1, s. 72-93
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- During the 1980s, the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS) faced intense international scrutiny. A new power bloc of developing countries, utilising the language of colonialism and using the United Nations as one of their main platforms, called into question the legitimacy of the ATS. The developing countries’ lobby also challenged apartheid South Africa’s membership of the Antarctic Treaty. One of the main driving forces behind these tensions was widely acknowledged to be resources, living and mineral and the rights of access to them. The debate on mineral exploration and extraction culminated in the Convention on the Regulation of the Antarctic Mineral Resource Activities (CRAMRA). Preparations started in the mid-1970s, CRAMRA was adopted in 1988 but it never went into force. This article investigates some of the historical complexities and contingencies involved in the CRAMRA process, using South Africa as a case study. It looks at how Gondwanaland–broadly conceived–surfaced in the debates in terms of geology as well as geopolitics. “Gondwanaland” highlighted the proximity of South Africa to Antarctica, and the shared geological formations between parts of southern Africa and Antarctica implied shared mineral potential. In South Africa, debates about Antarctic mineral resources and the Antarctic Treaty were invested with concerns about the apartheid state’s status as pariah state on the one hand, and its “first world”, anti-communist status on the other. Diplomats were anxious for South Africa to maintain its membership of the Treaty, one of the few multilateral bodies that still welcomed the country. In public, fears about a “third world grab” in the Antarctic resonated with the “total onslaught” rhetoric of the South African police state.
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