| 1. |
- Borgehammar, Stephan, et al.
(författare)
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Unik skrift från danskt 1100-tal: Opus Radulfi de calice spiritali
- 2008
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Ingår i: Förbistringar och förklaringar: festskrift till Anders Piltz. - 9789187976292 ; , s. 132-155
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- First edition of a spiritual treatise for nuns, written in Denmark in the second half of the 12th century. The introduction treats questions of time and place of composition, authorship, contents and style. The Latin text of the treatise is accompanied by a parallel Swedish translation by Bengt Ellenberger.
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| 2. |
- Borgehammar, Stephan, et al.
(författare)
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Annales Suecici
- 2012
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Ingår i: Medieval Nordic Literature in Latin. A Website of Authors and Anonymous Works c. 1100-1530.
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 3. |
- Borgehammar, Stephan, et al.
(författare)
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Catalogi regum Sueciae
- 2012
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Ingår i: Mediaeval Nordic Literature in Latin. A Website of Authors and Anonymous Works c. 1100-1530.
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 4. |
- Borgehammar, Stephan, et al.
(författare)
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Diarium fratrum minorum Visbyensium
- 2012
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Ingår i: Medieval Nordic Literature in Latin. A Website of Authors and Anonymous Works c. 1100-1530.
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 5. |
- Borgehammar, Stephan, et al.
(författare)
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Hymnoden Härdelin
- 2015
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Ingår i: Psalm, hymn och andlig visa : hymnologiska studier. Årsbok för svenskt gudstjänstliv. - 0280-9133. ; 90, s. 43-87
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- "Härdelin the Hymnist" Alf Härdelin (1927–2014) was a Swedish theologian and medievalist. In addition to a large academic output, he wrote eleven original hymns and translated 213 from Latin or German into Swedish. This article begins by showing how integrated this activity was with Härdelin’s theological work: both as an academic and as a hymnist he followed the Dominican adage, contemplata aliis tradere, ”to give to others the fruit of contemplation”. His interest in medieval theology was aroused in the late 60s. During the 70s he published a study on the medieval interpretation of why water is mixed with the wine in the Eucharist, as well as two anthologies of medieval prose texts in Swedish translation. His first attempts at translating poetry resulted in two small anthologies of poems by the medieval mystic Mechthild of Magdeburg (1217–1290) and the modern Benedictine nun Silja Walter (1919–2011). In the 80s the Roman Catholic Church in Sweden produced both a new hymnal (Cecilia, 3rd ed. 1987) and a Swedish translation of the Liturgia horarum (Kyrkans dagliga bön 1990). It was in order to contribute to this effort that Härdelin wrote his original hymns and most of his hymn translations. His activity peaked in the years 1984–86, when he produced nine original texts and at least eighty but probably about one hundred translations (all cannot be dated with accuracy). Not all of his compositions found their way into the official liturgical books, but in 1990 he published 160 of his translations in a privately produced hymnal for the divine office called Gloria. Here he also provided melodies, mostly Gregorian (occasionally slightly altered), and three of his own composition. An anthology of liturgical poetry in translation published in 2010 contains some additional texts, e.g. from the Birgittine office Cantus sororum. How successful have Härdelin’s hymns been? They are much used by Roman Catholics in Sweden. The pocket version of the Liturgia horarum that appeared in 2009 (Psalterium för de fyra veckorna) has 105 hymns of which thirty are translations by Härdelin. The hymnal Cecilia had thirty-seven hymns written or translated by Härdelin in the third edition, out of which twenty-eight remain in the fourth (2013). As for reception in non-Roman Catholic circles, nine of eighteen ecumenical or Protestant works for the divine office that have been published in Swedish since 1995 contain some of Härdelin’s hymn translations, and those that don’t tend to lack hymns altogether. So far, however, none of Härdelin’s original hymns seems to have been translated from Swedish into another language. When translating from Latin to Swedish, Härdelin was concerned above all to be faithful to the original. The theological content had to be transmitted without alterations. He also always imitated the metre and (if applicable) the rhyme scheme of the original. Close analysis reveals, however, that he was no purist when it came to metre; slight deviations from the original texts can be found, particularly in Sapphic verse, where he prefers a modern variant with emphasis on the first, fourth, sixth and tenth syllables to the classical model favoured by medieval hymnists. No attempt is made in this article to evaluate Härdelin’s hymns aesthetically. Time will tell which of them will continue to be embraced by worshipping communities and which will fall into disuse. The article is accompanied by a table of all Alf Härdelin’s hymns giving the first line, the year of composition, the first line and author of the original text (in the case of translations), the place(s) of publication, the melody source, the metre and the rhyme scheme.
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| 6. |
- Borgehammar, Stephan, et al.
(författare)
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Kanikerna i Dalby: tre studier
- 2012
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Ingår i: Locus Celebris: Dalby kyrka, kloster och gård. - 1651-775X. - 9789170611162 ; Centrum för Danmarksstudier 28, s. 291-326
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The Canons of Dalby. Three Studies I. When did the brothers in Dalby become Augustinians? There are different opinions among historians about what kind of community Egino founded in Dalby in the late 1060s. Some say it was Benedictine, others say it was a community of canons. Among the latter, some say they were regular canons, others that they were secular, and one distinguished historian has even claimed that they were Augustinians from the very beginning. This study argues that the community must be understood in relation to ideals of canonical living that were developing rapidly at the time. A movement of reform had started in the 1040s with the aim that large churches should be served by celibate priests living in community without private possessions. Establishments where canons lived separately and had property were reformed and new communities were founded in accordance with the new ideals. The language that Adam of Bremen uses when describing the community in Dalby strongly suggests that he thought of it as part of the reform: he describes them as living regulariter, which was a catch-word among the reformers. If they did adhere to the reform, we need not speculate when the Dalby brethren “became” Augustinians: the reform canons generally adopted the Rule of St. Augustine in the early decades of the 12th century, not as a new step but as a way of defining what they already were. Only in the 13th century did provincial chapters begin to occur and an “Order of St. Augustine” take shape. II. Fragments from the history of the canons of Dalby. Few documents remain that can tell us anything about the life lived in the monastery of Dalby during the 450 years of its existence. This study presents a brief survey of the documents and what they say. We have names of 31 officers (styled dean, provost or prior), 98 canons and 9 lay brothers. From the names and their dating we can deduce that the monastery, during its heyday in the 12th and 13th centuries, housed 10–12 canons on an average. The name of the monastery changed: in the 12th and 13th centuries it was called either Dalbyensis ecclesia or Sancta Crux; from the 14th century onward the normal name was simply “Dalby Monastery” or “the monastery in Dalby”. In earliest times it was led by a provost, possibly assisted by a dean; from the mid-12th century the head was called prior and his second-in-command subprior (the latter is only attested once, in 1439). From about 1440 the priorate was held “in commendam” by dignitaries at the cathedral of Lund, and once even by an Italian cardinal. The now merely titular head of the monastery came to be called provost (meaning simply chief?) after 1466. In the early 16th century a resident canon was again made provost by the king and held the office until the monastery's dissolution in the 1530s. III. The buildings of Dalby monastery. West of the church of Dalby there was between the 11th and 14th centuries a complex of buildings that has been interpreted as a royal manor but must have been used, wholly or in part, by the canons. The three extant monastic buildings lie northwest and north of the church and belong to a complex that cannot be older than the 13th century. The two to the northwest are a storehouse and a stable. The present farmhouse north of the church was once the western building in a traditional cloister. On the ground floor of this house there is a vaulted corridor that was once part of a crosswalk. This study discusses the medieval extent of the cloister and crosswalk, attempting to modify some previous theories. It also raises the question of what happened to the canons after a devastating fire in 1388 all but destroyed the monastery. It appears as if only the western (extant) building of the cloister was rebuilt. If the remainder was left in ruins, what happened to the canons? Did they set up separate quarters in the village, perhaps in stone buildings, of which there exists some scattered evidence?
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| 7. |
- Borgehammar, Stephan, et al.
(författare)
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Symboler i Dalby
- 2012
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Ingår i: Locus Celebris: Dalby kyrka, kloster och gård. - 1651-775X. - 9789170611162 ; Centrum för Danmarksstudier 28, s. 54-87
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Interpretations of the church, monastery and manor of Dalby have focused primarily on the history and functions of the buildings, but symbolic interpretations have been involved too. The article discusses four categories of symbolic interpretations: Power Symbols, Cosmic Symbols, Biblical Symbols and Geographical Symbols. The conclusion is that it is hard, when dealing with specific buildings, to demonstrate which symbolical meanings were intended and recognized by people living in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The line between scholarship and madness is thin. No strict method for avoiding madness exists, but it is wise to consciously avoid anachronisms, doubt one’s favourite mental images and take seriously any facts that “disturb” a seemingly plausible interpretation. Historical knowledge, constant practice and dialogue with other scholars are other preconditions. Risks remain, but the symbolic richness of Dalby makes us take them gladly.
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| 8. |
- Christiansson, Elisabeth
(författare)
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Kyrklig och social reform : motiveringar till diakoni 1845-1965
- 2006
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The main purpose of this dissertation is to see how proponents of diaconia justified the establishment of three Swedish diaconal institutions: Diaconissanstalten 1851 (The Institution for Deaconesses, Stockholm, now Ersta diakonissällskap/Ersta Association for Diaconal Work), Stockholms Stadsmission 1853 (The Stockholm City Mission) and Svenska Diakonanstalten 1898 (The Swedish institution for Deacons, first in Gävle, from 1905 in Stockholm, now Stiftelsen Stora Sköndal/The Stora Sköndal Foundation). Included is also a study of how diaconal work was justified in Sweden in the post-war period, a time when religious neutrality within health care and education was high on the political agenda. An additional purpose is to discuss how these justifications are related to the modern discourse of social work. The primary source material consists of journals that voiced the opinions of the aforementioned diaconal institutions, Parliamentary records and newspaper articles. This material is culled for justificatory arguments. The set of justifications found in each setting is discussed from three angles: theology, ideology and gender roles. The dissertation shows that justifications for diaconal institutions have varied over time, but that all the initiatives have reformism in common. Diaconal institutions are vindicated as projects for social and ecclesial improvement and not merely as instruments for the material or spiritual well-being of individuals. This reformist stance contrasts with how responsibility for one's neighbour was justified in pre-industrial Sweden: as a duty performed within a static society. Reformism in diaconia is in this dissertation looked upon as an early example of modernisation. The justifications of diaconal work found in the source material are the following. In the 1850s diaconal work was justified theologically as a means of revival and evangelism. The ideological stance of its proponents was social conservative. Female diaconia was propagated because women were regarded as particularly apt for nursing and caring. Around the year 1900 diaconal work was mainly a question of reinforcing the Church of Sweden as the spiritual and moral foundation of Swedish society. Ideologically, diaconia (both male and female) was still social conservative. The justification of male diaconia was that supposedly male characteristics could be made useful in a lay ministry at the service of the Church of Sweden. In post-war Sweden the basis for justifications shifted to social liberalism and a theology of stewardship.
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| 9. |
- Borgehammar, Stephan
(författare)
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Den praktiska teologin som professionsteori
- 2021
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Ingår i: Svensk Teologisk Kvartalskrift. - : Svensk Teologisk Kvartalskrift. - 0039-6761 .- 2003-6248. ; 97:1, s. 69-90
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The purpose of this article is to remind Practical Theology in Sweden of its historically given identity and to show that this identity derives from a welldefined encyclopedic context. The point of departure is that theology is a positive science, in the sense used by Friedrich Schleiermacher: a science directed towards a specific goal, which in theology's case is the wellinformed government of the Church. Within theology thus understood, Practical Theology provides professional training by developing pastoral theory. It forms a bridge between on the one hand philosophical and historical theology, and on the other the praxis that theology ultimately serves. Based on this understanding, the article treats four areas of responsibility of Practical Theology: students, churches, research, and theological faculties. Its task in relation to students is to teach them to combine various kinds of theological knowledge in theoretical reflection on ecclesial practices. Its task in relation to churches is to provide them with welleducated leaders and useful research. Its task in research is to further the wellbeing of churches without compromising scholarly standards or curtailing academic freedom. Its task in relation to theological faculties, finally, is to contribute to cooperation between subjects by upholding the integrative character of Practical Theology. Methodologically, the article makes use of German Evangelical theology in order to refer Swedish Practical Theology back to its origin and counteract influences that have confused its identity, namely a positivist conception of theology as the scientific study of Christianity, prevalent in Sweden since the early 1970s, and, more recently, the appropriation of the name "Practical Theology" by theologians engaged in critical studies, practice theory, and social activism.
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| 10. |
- Andersson, Roger, et al.
(författare)
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The Preaching of the Birgittine Friars at Vadstena Abbey (ca 1380–1515)
- 1997
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Ingår i: Revue Mabillon. - 0035-3620. ; n.s. 8 [= 69], s. 209-236
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- A survey of the circumstances of preaching at the Birgittine abbey of Vadstena c. 1380-1515: preachers, audiences, times of preaching, locations, methods, contents, ideals.
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