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Sökning: hsv:(SAMHÄLLSVETENSKAP) > Högskolan i Borås > Norska

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  • Grevholm, Barbro, et al. (författare)
  • Hva er matematikk?
  • 2013
  • Ingår i: Matematikkundervisning 1-7. - : Cappelen Damm Akademisk. - 9788202405458 ; , s. 31-51
  • Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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5.
  • Hylland, Ole Marius (författare)
  • Fremskrittspartiets kulturpolitikk : kulturpolitisk opposisjon i utvikling
  • 2011
  • Ingår i: Nordisk kulturpolitisk tidskrift. - : Högskolan i Borås. - 1403-3216 .- 2000-8325. ; :1-2, s. 51-70
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article aims to systematically analyse the cultural policy of the Norwegian political party The Progress Party (Fremskrittspartiet, abbr. Frp). This party has been a dominant opposition party in the field of cultural policy in two different ways. One the one hand, Frp has represented the most visible and loud opposition to a cultural policy that is to a large degree marked by broad consensus. On the other hand, Frp?s stance on cultural policy is most often made visible by an almost unanimous criticism of their viewpoints. In this regard, the party has been an important one in the way they have influenced the public discourse on cultural policy. Through a suggested tripartite way of operationalizing oppositional cultural policy, the article analyzes both development and consistency of the cultural policy and politics of the Progress Party.
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6.
  • Häggström, Johan, et al. (författare)
  • Talloppfatning, aritmetikk og algebra
  • 2013
  • Ingår i: Matematikkundervisning 1-7. - : Cappelen Damm Akademisk. - 9788202405458 ; , s. 87-145
  • Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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7.
  • Mangset, Per (författare)
  • Fransk kulturpolitikk før, under og etter Malraux
  • 2010
  • Ingår i: Nordisk kulturpolitisk tidskrift. - : Högskolan i Borås. - 1403-3216 .- 2000-8325. ; :2, s. 162-175
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • France is often considered as a country that leads the way as an “exemplary country” in cultural policy. Scholars also talk about a specific “French Ministry of Culture Model”. In this article I discuss several characteristics of French cultural policy given by cultural policy researchers. Are these characteristics scientifically fruitful and/or valid? I have focused upon the following questions: (1) Is it true that France was the first country in Europe that established a ministry of culture; (2) how centralized is French cultural policy in reality; (3) how well founded is the conception that French cultural life is predominantly controlled by the Ministry of Culture, without any arm’s length between politics and the arts; (4) how powerful is the minister of culture personally, and is it still fruitful to talk about a “monarchistic” French cultural policy; (5) is it true that France has given high priority to culture in its government budgets since the establishment of a Ministry of Culture (1959), and that the cultural budget nearly doubled in 1982; (6) has French cultural policy generally disapproved of the “extended concept of culture”, and finally (7) was André Malraux really a great minister of culture? In the article I describe and discuss the development of French cultural policy historically, keeping the abovementioned questions in mind. I draw lines back to the 19th and early 20th century, but I focus particularly upon the period between 1945 and 1990. The article concludes that several more or less taken-for-granted characteristics of French cultural policy are debatable and ready for modification.
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8.
  • Meland, Ingmar, et al. (författare)
  • Arven etter Augustin Girard : Kulturutvikling, kulturpolitikk og demokrati som samfunnsdiagnose
  • 2010
  • Ingår i: Nordisk kulturpolitisk tidskrift. - : Högskolan i Borås. - 1403-3216 .- 2000-8325. ; :2, s. 210-229
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Our essay addresses the way of thinking cultural policy that Augustin Girard was instrumental in working out and managing within the confines of UNESCO. This way of thinking lies behind the strategies of cultural policy of the industrialized countries in the period following the Second World War, which makes it legitimate to talk about a joint philosophy of cultural policy that transcends national borders. Girard’s basic philosophy and approach is that cultural policy needs to create the conditions for a decentralized and pluralistic ‘cultural democracy’ in which the individual can play an active part. Thus, we argue that the motivation and foundation for Girard’s way of thinking cultural policy is based on a democratic diagnosis of the present, which is implicit in his way of thinking and needs to be explicated and developed further. Departing form Girard’s Cultural development: experiences and policies we clarify what Girard’s way of thinking cultural policy involves and imply. Next, we address a distinct impression we have that Girard’s overarching democratic approach has been toned down to the advantage of the “managerial” aspect of his thinking. Our task in this part of the essay is to assess the instrumental aspect of Girard’s way of thinking and the ultimate purposes that motivates this way of thinking. The relation between these two aspects is unsettled in Girard. Thus, we ask whether Girard’s way of thinking isn’t itself a striking expression of the nihilism he combats, in that it furthers the very features of modernity that it wants to remedy, i.e. the progressive degradation of moral and social relation through processes of capitalization and instrumental rationality. The answer is that it is not, provided that his concern for cultural democracy and the development of a democratic culture is not forfeited.
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9.
  • Vestheim, Geir (författare)
  • André Malraux, Augustin Girard og den franske kulturpolitikken 1959-1993
  • 2010
  • Ingår i: Nordisk kulturpolitisk tidskrift. - : Högskolan i Borås. - 1403-3216 .- 2000-8325. ; 13:2, s. 177-206
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article deals with French cultural policy from around 1960 to the early 1990s. Is point of departure is the establishment of a French ministry of culture and the first minister of culture, André Malraux, 1959. The roots of French cultural policy after World War II are traced back to the cultural programme of the Popular Front government in France the late 1930s and situated within the frames of UNESCO and Council of Europe initiatives after the war. In addition to an analysis of French cultural policy under the Malraux’ regime in the 1960s, the article presents an analysis of the writings and the role that the top bureaucrat for more than thirty years, Augustin Girard, played in French and international cultural policy from the early 1960s to the first half of the 1990s. There is a big paradox with Girard and French cultural policy: France is known for having a centralised state organisation, and this is also the case with cultural policy – the minister of culture and even some presidents «take it all». Decentralisation in many other European countries means «deconcentration» in France, i. e. instead of delegating decisional power to regional and local political bodies, the French state stretches out its arms by building state bureaucracies in the regions. It is therefore quite surprising that at the same time as he was a civil servant of a research unit in the French ministry of culture, Augustin Girard was a well known international spokesman for decentralisation, community culture, amateur culture and even cultural industries – and he was constantly criticising French intellectuals to be elitists in cultural questions. Internationally Girard was one of the strong fighters for cultural democracy and the «new cultural policy» of the 1970s. The article is finished by a brief analysis of the expanding cultural policy under Jack Lang in the 1980s, and concludes that French cultural policy has been resistant to rapid international changes, although in the later years even French cultural policy has to some extent been influenced by the winds of new liberalism. However, compared to England for example, the French state still plays the role of «the architect» in cultural policy.
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10.
  • Østberg, Kai (författare)
  • Fra kongens til nasjonens kultur : Fransk kulturpolitikk fra Ludvig XIV til den franske revolusjon
  • 2010
  • Ingår i: Nordisk kulturpolitisk tidskrift. - : Högskolan i Borås. - 1403-3216 .- 2000-8325. ; 13:2, s. 140-161
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • For André Malraux the purpose of cultural policy was to promote human sociability and French national identity by giving as many Frenchmen as possible access to the great works of art, and especially the French ones. He wanted to keep the influence of market forces at a distance. The purpose of this article is to give an historical perspective of the French tradition of strong ties between political power and the arts. Under Louis XIV the arts were subjugated to the purpose of securing obedience by celebrating the glory of the monarchy, particularly using Versailles as a cultural and social as well as a political instrument of power. Creating the royal academies was part of this strategy. This was, however, not solely a subjugation, but also a liberation from the medieval, economic framework of the guilds, creating a separate aesthetic sphere. In the 18th century this sphere would form the basis for autonomus aesthetic judgements, which would then be turned into moral and political judgements. The 18th century saw at first a resurgence of aristocratic power, symbolized aesthetically in the Fête galante immortalized by Watteau. Towards the end of the century a moralizing patriotic movement gained ascendancy, often adopting a critical stance against both monarchy and aristocracy. The ascendancy of stern patriotism, politically and aesthetically, reached its apogee in the radical phase of the French Revolution, symbolized in the twin roles of Jacques-Louis David as politician and leading artist. Under the Revolution we see the processes of both liberation and of a subjugation of art to politics more thorough than ever before. A lasting result of the French Revolution was to appropriate cultural objects as a national cultural heritage and turn them into subjects of pedagogy, especially through the establishement of public museums, archives and libraries.
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