| 1. |
- Bexelius, Maria
(författare)
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Fel sorts flykting
- 2002
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Ingår i: Bang. - 1102-4593. ; :2/3, s. 30-33
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)
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| 2. |
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| 3. |
- Gehlin, Sara, et al.
(författare)
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Religion och fredsbyggande
- 2017. - 2
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Ingår i: Om krig och fred : Introduktion till freds- och konfliktstudier - Introduktion till freds- och konfliktstudier. - Lund : Studentlitteratur AB. - 9789144115740 ; , s. 321-334
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 4. |
- Lindkvist, Linde, Lektor, 1985-
(författare)
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Rights for the World's Children : Radda Barnen and the Making of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child
- 2018
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Ingår i: Nordic Journal of Human Rights. - : ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD. - 1891-8131 .- 1891-814X. ; 36:3, s. 287-303
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) from 1989 remains the most widely ratified treaty on human rights and functions as a normative frame for myriads of actors working to promote the rights of children. The scholarship on the convention recognises that non-governmental organisations were crucial to the drafting of the treaty. Some of these accounts also single out the Swedish Save the Children Federation (Radda Barnen) as significant for facilitating non-governmental cooperation and shaping the drafting group discussions. Drawing on archival and published first-hand sources, the paper adds to the available accounts, first by outlining some of the developments that led Radda Barnen to embrace the concept of children's rights in the 1970s and become involved in drafting of UNCRC in the 1980s. The paper then reveals how the organisation engaged creatively with the concept of children's rights in the drafting process and succeeded in framing children in armed conflict and female genital mutilation as rights issues, effectively challenging some of the conventional boundaries of international human rights law. But the paper also points to the limits of Radda Barnen's influence and suggests that its creative engagement took place within a relatively conventional framework of child protection.
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| 5. |
- Sundkvist, Emma
(författare)
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Human Rights as Space-Making : Bodily Performative Activism Against Sexual Violence in Egypt
- 2023
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Ingår i: Nordic Journal of Human Rights. - 1891-8131 .- 1891-814X. ; 41:2, s. 133-150
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article introduces the concept of space-making as a form of human rights activism. To develop the concept, I use the example of contentious street activism against sexual violence in post-2011 Egypt. My research has found that feminist activists utilised human rights as a legal tool for improving legislation and policy and as a linguistic strategy to challenge derogatory discourse. Using human rights in these two ways required that activists identify violations of rights and articulate their demands. Yet the contentious street activism in Egypt against sexual violence did not contain verbal utterances, so it cannot be captured through these two dimensions of human rights. In this article, I explore how to capture and analyse activism that sits within a human rights framework, but which is devoid of specific rights claims or clarified motives, where the focus seems instead to be on the public space. By engaging with theories of performativity, vulnerability, rights claiming, and subjectivisation, I argue that through modes of activism against sexual violence that take the form of performative bodily enactments of space, people convert themselves into the human rights subjects they are told they cannot be.
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| 6. |
- Wigorts Yngvesson, Susanne, Professor, 1967-
(författare)
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Religion, Human Rights, and Surveillance
- 2023. - 1
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Ingår i: Alternatives to Populism. - Geneva : Globethics Publications; Conference of European Churches (CEC). - 9782889315314 ; , s. 173-187
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this article, I am not addressing populism and freedom of expression per se, i.e. as two issues that I closely focus upon. Rather the perspectives are intertwined in the overall discussions and examples. Surveillance technologies can be used to stimulate populism and limit freedom of expression, as well as they can contribute to the opposite.The outcome does not only depend on the technology and its capacities, but on the persons, citizens, states, religious groups, and companies who use it. After centuries of technological innovations alongside industrialisation, the concept of surveillance has been associated with a Big Brother society, i.e. asymmetrical surveillance by the state or employer to surveil citizens or employees with different tools, visible or invisible. The aims of surveillance are a multitude: protection, security,efficiency, steering of behaviour and opinions, prevention of unwanted actions, et cetera. After the 9/11 terror attack in New York and Washington in 2001, the idea and implementation of surveillance technology has increased unimaginably, in parallel with a political view of the ‘war against terror’, and in parallel with possibilities for advanced technology that has become an essential part of how we, as humans, understand our life as individuals and as communities. One consequence of the paradigm is a certain gaze upon religious communities, where some become more visible than others.
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| 7. |
- Sundkvist, Emma, Högskolelektor
(författare)
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Feminism during social and political repression in Egypt : making or breaking resistance through legal activism
- 2018
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Ingår i: Gender in Human Rights and Transitional Justice. - Cham : Palgrave Macmillan. ; , s. 17-43
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Scholarly work on feminists’ use of law reveals a complex reality where social and political domains, practices, and institutions are at play. Law as an instrument for improving gender justice is also the arena where obstacles to achieving greater gender equality remain (Cornwall & Molyneux, Third World Quarterly, 27(7), 1175–1191, 2006). Feminist scholars have debated law’s role within feminist activism concerning questions of identity politics, conditioned citizenships, and the state’s role. In recent years, influential feminists have criticized the role of law in feminist projects and argued that feminists should shift focus from the identity project (Hekman, Feminist Theory, 1(3), 289–308, 2000; Lloyd, Beyond identity politics: Feminism, power & politics. SAGE, London, 2005; Zerilli, Feminism and the abyss of freedom. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 2005) and legal activism (Brown, States of injury: Power and freedom in late modernity. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, 1995; Brown & Halley, Left legalism/left critique. Duke University Press, Durham, 2002; Butler, Gender trouble: Feminism and the subversion of identity. Routledge, New York, 2006; Halley, Split decisions: How and why to take a break from feminism. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, 2006) to other forms of activism outside of state institutions and the legal apparatus. Their claim is that as law is not a neutral instrument, legal activism has a cost to other projects for political change. While these ideas could be argued to be relevant only in the context of liberal democracies, theories of law, rights, and legal activism should also be applicable to the idea of human rights and human rights activism, which are pressing issues in non-democratic societies where human rights abuses are common. How, then, does this critique of feminist legal activism play out in repressive states and less-open societies where the public space is strictly regulated and controlled? Can the relationship between law and politics be asserted in the same way in all different societies or does legal activism have different outcomes depending on the political context? These questions are explored in this chapter by drawing from fieldwork and interviews with Egyptian feminist activists and their struggle for political and social change.
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| 8. |
- Sundkvist, Emma, Högskolelektor
(författare)
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Navigating Human Rights, Feminism, and History : Egyptian Feminist Activists’ Demands for Constitutional Equality, 2012–2014
- 2022
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Ingår i: Social Politics. - : Oxford University Press (OUP). - 1072-4745 .- 1468-2893. ; 30:1, s. 47-68
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article analyzes the efforts of Egyptian feminist activists to insert gender equality in the country’s post-revolutionary constitutions in 2012 and 2014. While the literature on women’s political role during this period provides insights into exclusionary gender practices and conditions for bargaining power structures, this study contributes with a conceptual analysis of how feminist activists construed constitutional gender equality. The study is based on interviews with, and written statements by, activists engaged in the constitutional process. The article argues that these activists viewed the constitution as a central instrument in the struggle for gender equality and demanded a gender equality model beyond the sameness/difference paradigm. Instead, they argued for a substantive notion of gender equality that reflected women’s situated experiences while they, at the same time, navigated the legacies of Egypt’s earlier constitutions.
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| 9. |
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Arctic Justice : Environment, Society and Governance
- 2023
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (refereegranskat)abstract
- Offering a unique introduction to the study of justice in the European, North American and Russian Arctic, this collection considers the responsibilities and failures of justice for environment and society in the region. Inspired by key thinkers in justice, this book highlights the real and practical consequences of postcolonial legacies, climate change and the regions’ incorporation into the international political economy. The chapters feature liberal, cosmopolitan, feminist, as well as critical justice perspectives from experts with decades of research experience in the Arctic. Moving from a critique of current failures, the collection champions a just and sustainable future for Arctic development and governance.
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| 10. |
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