| 1. |
- Pauw, W. P., et al.
(author)
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Beyond headline mitigation numbers : we need more transparent and comparable NDCs to achieve the Paris Agreement on climate change
- 2018
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In: Climatic Change. - : Springer. - 0165-0009 .- 1573-1480. ; 147:1, s. 23-29
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Nationally determined contributions (NDCs) were key to reaching the Paris Agreement and will be instrumental in implementing it. Research was quick to identify the ‘headline numbers’ of NDCs: if these climate action plans were fully implemented, global mean warming by 2100 would be reduced from approximately 3.6 to 2.7°C above pre-industrial levels (Höhne et al. Climate Pol 17:1–17, 2016; Rogelj et al. Nature 534:631–639, 2016). However, beyond these headline mitigation numbers, NDCs are more difficult to analyse and compare. UN climate negotiations have so far provided limited guidance on NDC formulation, which has resulted in varying scopes and contents of NDCs, often lacking details concerning ambitions. If NDCs are to become the long-term instrument for international cooperation, negotiation, and ratcheting up of ambitions to address climate change, then they need to become more transparent and comparable, both with respect to mitigation goals, and to issues such as adaptation, finance, and the way in which NDCs are aligned with national policies. Our analysis of INDCs and NDCs (Once a party ratifies the Paris Agreement, it is invited to turn its Intended Nationally Determined Contribution (INDC) into an NDC. We refer to results from our INDC analysis rather than our NDC analysis in this commentary unless otherwise stated.) shows that they omit important mitigation sectors, do not adequately provide details on costs and financing of implementation, and are poorly designed to meet assessment and review needs.
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| 2. |
- Ávila-Zúñiga Nordfjeld, Adriana, 1977-, et al.
(author)
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Proposing a Mathematical Dynamic Model to Develop a National Maritime Security Assessment and Build a National Maritime Security Plan
- 2023
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In: Journal of Maritime Research. - : Universidad de Cantabria. - 1697-4840 .- 1697-9133. ; 20:3, s. 123-132
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- A proper assessment of maritime security risks at the national level is crucial to a national maritime security plan (NMSP) in order to secure the concerned country’s ports, vessels and territorial sea. Thus, the importance of implementing a national maritime security assessment (NMSA) to counter security threats and ensure the continuity of national and international trade. The most important set of international regulations concerning maritime security is the International Ship and Port Facility Security (ISPS) Code, which includes revision, approval and control of compliance of the Port Facility Security Plan (PFSP), which shall be based upon the Port Facility Security Assessment (PFSA). This paper proposes a mathematical dynamic model that calculates in real time the residual risk for the whole country and each of its ports by adapting and expanding the formula and procedures established in the Code, which since it has already been implemented around the world, gives the opportunity to take advantage of this quantitative solution to administrate maritime security risks on a nation-wide basis and create an effective national maritime security plan, which would allow the concerned authorities to improve situational awareness and adapt to security changes through a better planning of human, economic and material resources to deter security threats. The model was tested with the use of five encoded categories as countries, each of them with three ports, which encompassed three port facilities. The results indicate that this methodology is easy to implement and widespread use of that model could strength robustness in national security.
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| 3. |
- Berlin, Cecilia, 1981, et al.
(author)
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Prerequisites and Conditions for Socially Sustainable Manufacturing in Europe’s Future Factories – results overview from the SO SMART Project
- 2016
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In: Advances in Intelligent Systems and Computing. - Cham : Springer International Publishing. - 2194-5365 .- 2194-5357. ; 490, s. 319-330
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Conference paper (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This paper provides an overview of the EU project SO SMART(Socially Sustainable Manufacturing for the Factories of the Future), acoordinated support action (CSA) project. SO SMART examined the conditionsin Europe for creating socially sustainable workplaces in the manufacturingsector, where factories flourish along with their social environment. The projectwas international (with partners from five countries), multidisciplinary andparticipatory, involving participation of several science domain experts and awider community of academic and industry beneficiaries who participated inpanels, workshops, conference events and an online forum created specificallyfor the project.
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| 4. |
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| 5. |
- Zapata Campos, María José, 1972, et al.
(author)
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Organising grassroots infrastructure: The (in)visible work of organisational (in)completeness
- 2023
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In: Urban Studies. - : SAGE Publications. - 0042-0980 .- 1360-063X. ; 60:1
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- In this article we build on the concept of incompleteness, as recently developed in both organisa- tional and urban studies, to improve our understanding of the collective actions of grassroots organisations in creating and governing critical infrastructures in the changing and resource-scarce contexts of urban informal settlements. Empirically, the article is informed by the case of resident associations providing critical services and infrastructure in informal settlements in Kisumu, Kenya. Findings suggest three organisational processes that grassroots organisations develop for the production and governance of incomplete grassroots infrastructures: shaping a partial organi- sation but creating the illusion of a formal and complete organisation; crafting critical (and often hidden) material and organisational infrastructures for the subsistence of dormant (but still visi- ble) structures; and moulding nested infrastructure that shelters layers of floating and autono- mous groups embedded in communities. In a resource-poor environment, the strategy is to create incompleteness, less organisation and to keep it partial and limited to a minimum of ele- ments. The article also explores the political implications of organisational and infrastructural incompleteness by examining how it leads to efforts to craft loose and ambiguous governmental arrangements, connecting them materially and politically to formal infrastructure systems. These governmental arrangements are shifting and in the making, and therefore also incomplete. The article reveals how grassroots organisations mobilise a wide range of (in)visibility approaches. It concludes by exposing the hidden power of ‘incompleteness’ and the potential in hiding certain elements of incompleteness from outsiders, while rendering other elements visible when per- ceived as useful.
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| 6. |
- Zapata Campos, María José, 1972, et al.
(author)
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Organising grassroots initiatives for a more inclusive governance: constructing the city from below
- 2019
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Reports (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The project examines how grassroots organizations and networks providing urban critical services in informal settlements contribute to improve the quality of life of urban dwellers and to more inclusive forms of urban governance, constructing the city from below. The project is informed by the study of Kisumu’s informal settlements’ Resident Associations, the Water Delegated Management Model, and the Kisumu Waste Actors Network. The study adopted an action-research approach with researchers working with citizens, politicians, officers and entrepreneurs in all stages of the research process and used a combination of methods including document studies, ethnographic and participatory observations, visual ethnography, interviews, focus groups, social media analysis and stakeholder work- shops as well as participatory videotaping. The study discusses a) the institutionalization of grassroots organizations for the delivery of critical infrastructure and services and their need to gain, regain and maintain legitimacy; b) their flexible and nested structure facili- tating their resilience; c) their embeddedness in the communities’ knowledge and assets, and their role as social and institutional entrepreneurs to bridge informal settlements with city governance; d) the redefinition of the roles of the citizen, from passive into active agents, and its transformation into more autonomous and insurgent citizens; e) the blending of civic and material rationales and the construction of more fluid identities allowing citizens to draw pragmatically from a broader repertoire of roles and resources; f) and the creation of grassroots organizations as a collective process that emerge from different directions, with the ability to become gateways but also gatekeepers, or the top of the grass at their communities. It concludes with recommendations to informal settlements’ resident grass- roots organizations, public officers, NGOs, politicians, researchers and citizens in general, engaged in constructing a more inclusive city governance from below.
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| 7. |
- Bruinsma, Sebastianus Cornelis Jacobus, 1991
(author)
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Measuring Congruence Between Voters and Parties in Online Surveys: Does Question Wording Matter?
- 2023
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In: Methods, Data, Analyses. - 2190-4936 .- 1864-6956. ; 17:1, s. 71-92
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Congruence on policies between political parties and voters is a frequently assumed requirement for democracy. To be able to study this, we should be able to calculate accurate and precise measures of policy congruence in political systems. This could then tell us more about the political system we study, and the "distances" that exist between parties and voters on either issues or broader ideological dimensions. Here, I draw on experimental data from a Voting Advice Application to show that the wording of the issues can influence the degree of congruence one measures. Yet, this comes with the complication that this influence depends on the type of issue, the characteristics of the voters themselves, and the party the congruence is calculated with. These findings should serve as a warning for those who aim to measure congruence that even minor changes in question-wording can ( but do not have to) cause relatively large changes in congruence, especially when many parties are involved and the differences between the congruences are small.
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| 8. |
- Stoddard, Isak, et al.
(author)
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Three Decades of Climate Mitigation: Why Haven't We Bent the Global Emissions Curve?
- 2021
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In: Annual Review of Environment and Resources. - : Annual Reviews. - 1543-5938 .- 1545-2050. - 9780824323462 ; 46, s. 653-689
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Research review (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Despite three decades of political efforts and a wealth of research on the causes and catastrophic impacts of climate change, global carbon dioxide emissions have continued to rise and are 60% higher today than they were in 1990. Exploring this rise through nine thematic lenses-covering issues of climate governance, the fossil fuel industry, geopolitics, economics, mitigation modeling, energy systems, inequity, lifestyles, and social imaginaries-draws out multifaceted reasons for our collective failure to bend the global emissions curve. However, a common thread that emerges across the reviewed literature is the central role of power, manifest in many forms, from a dogmatic political-economic hegemony and influential vested interests to narrow techno-economic mindsets and ideologies of control. Synthesizing the various impediments to mitigation reveals how delivering on the commitments enshrined in the Paris Agreement now requires an urgent and unprecedented transformation away from today's carbon- and energy-intensive development paradigm.
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| 9. |
- Krampe, Florian, 1980-
(author)
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Empowering peace: service provision and state legitimacy in Nepal’s peace-building process
- 2016
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In: Conflict, Security and Development. - : Taylor & Francis Group. - 1467-8802 .- 1478-1174. ; 16:1, s. 53-73
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- There is growing demand for an understanding of peace beyond the absence of violence. As such research focuses increasingly on the issue of state legitimacy as a tool to assess and understand peace processes. In this paper the relationship between service provision and state legitimacy is studied to assess whether the provision of services like electricity to rural communities of war-torn countries through state actors contributes to the consolidation of the post-war political system. The qualitative analysis of two localities in post-war Nepal highlights that service provision in the form of electricity through micro-hydropower yields tremendously positive socio-economic effects for rural communities. However, socio-economic development in combination with interactions among villagers has strengthened local autonomy through emphasising alternative local governance structures. This highlights that the relationship between service provision and state legitimacy is more complex than previous research anticipates. The absence of a positive effect on state legitimacy raises the question of whether in its current case-specific form service provision is conducive to the broader peace-building efforts in post-war Nepal, because it stresses the divide between state and society.
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| 10. |
- Hammami, Feras, 1978
(author)
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Rupture in heritage: strategies of dispossession, elimination and co-resistance
- 2022
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In: Settler Colonial Studies. - 1838-0743.
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Diaspora and Israel Jews are increasingly engaging their historical narratives of liberation within new forms of co-resistance to the Israeli Occupation, a history that controversially has been weaponized by the settler colonial power to manifest its dispossessive policies. ‘Occupation is not our Judaism’ has become a political slogan to mobilise Jews against land confiscation, house demolitions, trees uprooting, interrogations, and the Annexation Wall. Activists are concerned about the enactment of violence in the name of Judaism, and seek to contest the establishment of a Jewish nation-state as a solution to antisemitism. Their Jewish identities are articulated on the basis of Israel-centrism, and through intersectional struggles for universal liberation. This article explores the ways in which Jewish historical narratives inform the settler colonial policies in Palestine and the counter activism in which Jews play a potential role. It focuses on the patterns of ‘co-resistance’ which emerged after the collapse of the Oslo Accords of 1993. While co-existence was propagated during the 1990s to reveal the occupier and occupied as two equal sides, co-resistance emerged as a counter narrative in which Jewish and Palestinian activists stand in solidarity against the occupation. Interviews and on-site observations in the Old Town of Hebron showed how heritage and history have been weaponized by settlers to construct Jewish-only enclaves and to destroy the social and spatial realities that signify the collective identity of the Natives. Despite the failure of co-resistance to reverse the settlement project, the interviewed activists saw it as a viable form of resistance to this project. This article explored its potential in dismissing any claim that casts the settler colonial project in Hebron as a natural return of Hebron’s Jews to their history, and to link Nakba to tikkun olam, challenging its exclusion from the moral universe of the Jewish legacies of liberation.
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