| 1. |
- Delputte, Sarah, et al.
(författare)
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European Aid Coordination in Africa: Is the Commission Calling the Tune?
- 2012
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Ingår i: Stefan Gänzle, Davina Makhan & Sven Grimm (eds.), The European Union and Global Development: An ‘Enlightened Superpower’ in the Making?. - Basingstoke : Palgrave Macmillan. - 9780230319677 ; , s. 37-56
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Although there is much rhetoric about that the EU is the world’s biggest aid player, its role as an “actor” in the field of development is ambiguous and sometimes even counterproductive. While, on the one hand, the EU plays a instrumental role in the international policy discussion in multilateral fora and on global development policy (e.g. Paris Agenda on Aid Effectiveness, Millennium Development Goals, poverty reduction programmes, budget support etc.), on the other hand, the EU often fails to act as one ‘on the ground’ in the developing countries. In fact, in contrast to its official policy the EU is not a unified actor or a functioning aid coordination mechanism, at least when focus is placed on development cooperation in Africa. In practice the European Commission often acts as “the 28th” member state, conducting its own aid policies, rather than serving as the hub for donor coordination within the EU as a whole. The much talked about European Consensus on Development Policy is, as one donor official in an EU member state put it, “ice thin.” Although a functionalist perspective underpins much of the policy debate and official proclamations of how EU policy should look, it does not, however, explain the general lack of European donor coordination occurring on the ground, where it is really needed. This chapter shows that the EU’s largely ineffective coordination strategies in Africa have not been primarily driven by a concern to increase aid effectiveness according to a functional logic, but are instead driven by two alternative explanations, namely ‘identity’ and ‘bureaucratic politics’. When policies are driven by identity and bureaucratic politics rather than by functional objectives, the opportunities for compromise and for reaching common ground are reduced.
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| 2. |
- Söderbaum, Fredrik, 1968
(författare)
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Formal and Informal Regionalism
- 2012
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Ingår i: Timothy M. Shaw, Andrew Grant and Scarliett Cornelissen (eds) Ashgate Research Companion to Regionalisms. - Aldershot : Ashgate. ; , s. 51-68
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 3. |
- Söderbaum, Fredrik, 1968
(författare)
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Konflikthantering i Afrika
- 2012
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Ingår i: Karin Aggestam & Kristine Höglund (eds.), Om krig och fred. - Lund : Studentlitteratur. - 9789144075587 ; , s. 197-211
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Några av de våldsammaste konflikterna i världen under de senaste decennierna återfinns i afrikanska länder såsom Angola, Burundi, Kongo-Kinshasa, Liberia, Moçambique, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, Tchad, och Uganda. Under det kalla kriget kunde de flesta konflikterna i Afrika inte isoleras från tidigare kolonialmakter eller från den bipolära världsordningens logik och supermakternas intressen. Efter kalla krigets slut har ett delvis nytt mönster uppstått där konflikter trappas upp och sprids till grannländer utan att kolonialmakter, supermakter eller det internationella samfundet intervenerar. Även om de flesta konflikterna i Afrika anses vara inomstatliga, påverkar den regionala spridningen möjligheterna till att skapa fred. Den allt större betoningen på afrikanska och regionala organisationer för konflikthantering återspeglas främst i visionen om ”afrikanska lösningar på afrikanska problem” och i den framväxande afrikanska freds- och säkerhetsarkitekturen. Detta kapitel beskriver drivkrafterna bakom och omfattning och resultat av afrikansk och regional konflikthantering. Kapitlet belyser även relationen till andra konflikthanteringsmekanismer, speciellt inom FN-systemet.
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| 4. |
- Söderbaum, Fredrik, 1968, et al.
(författare)
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Legitimation and Delegitimation in Global Governance: Discursive, Institutional, Behavioral
- 2018
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Ingår i: In J Tallberg, K Bäckstrand and J A Scholte(eds) Legitimacy in Global Governance: Sources, Processes, and Consequences. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780198826873 ; , s. 101-118
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This chapter develops a comprehensive typology for empirical analysis of legitimation and delegitimation practices in global governance. The framework is novel in three respects. First, while earlier literature has primarily studied legitimation, this classification encompasses both legitimation and delegitimation practices. Second, while most previous research has examined top-down legitimation practices by global governance institutions and their member states, this typology includes also bottom-up legitimation and delegitimation practices from various societal actors. Third, the framework captures a full variety of legitimation and delegitimation practices, classified in the chapter as being discursive, institutional, and behavioral in character. The chapter further identifies factors that may prompt variation in the kinds of (de)legitimation practices that different actors might adopt.
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| 5. |
- Söderbaum, Fredrik, 1968
(författare)
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Rethinking the links between macro-regions and micro-regions
- 2018
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Ingår i: In: Elisabetta Nadalutti and Otto Kallscheuer (eds) Region-Making and Cross-Border Cooperation: New Evidence from Four Continents. - Abingdon : Routledge. - 9781138719071 ; , s. 30-44
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This chapter challenges the prevailing tendency in the research field to make overly sharp distinctions between micro-regions and macro-regions. Such assumptions result in that scholars underestimate not only the heterogeneity and diversity of contemporary regionalisms but also the relationships between regions in interaction. The approach adopted here is that learning more about the links between micro-regions and macro-regions will be limited by pre-given and fixed regional delimitations. It is also insufficient to characterize regions as being either ‘from above’ (macro) or ‘from below’ (micro), as was often done in previous literature. Drawing on insights from the New Regionalism Approach (NRA) and spatial analysis, this chapter offers a framework for rethinking regional space and improved understanding of the links between micro-regions and macro-regions. One core component of the framework is to avoid state-centrism and ‘methodological nationalism’. Once ‘national space’ is problematized, it is easier to recognise both that all regions are socially constructed — with porous and fuzzy borders — and that they interact and shape one another. The empirical case studies from Africa as well as Asia illuminate the interactions and overlaps between macro-regions and micro-regions.
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| 6. |
- Söderbaum, Fredrik, 1968
(författare)
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The European Union as an actor in Africa: internal coherence and external legitimacy
- 2013
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Ingår i: Maurizio Carbone (ed) The European Union in Africa. Incoherent policies, asymmetrical partnership, declining relevance?. - Manchester : Manchester University Press. - 9780719083464 ; , s. 25-42
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The overarching question addressed in this paper is to what extent and under what circumstances the EU should be seen as an “actor” in its relations with Africa, with a particular focus on trade, aid and peace policies. The paper shows that whereas the EU often speaks with one voice, for instance in trade, it is more ambiguous and pluralistic in other policy areas, such as aid and security/peace, where decision-making is either “shared”, or is based on national and intergovernmental policies. Sometimes there is even little in the way of articulated EU policy, and the EU member states pursue their own national policies outside of the EU framework. What explains this pattern? Much like other global actors, including the most powerful EU member states, the EU’s actions in Africa are characterized by the pursuit of power and the manifestation of various regional and national identities and interests. The nation-state logic is still active. Going beyond the EU’s official rhetoric (which invariably contain an often misleading egalitarian flavor), the EU is strongly concerned with establishing itself as a global actor and with gaining political power (for various purposes). It is nevertheless clear that the EU deals with the external world — including Africa — in a different manner from that of an ordinary great power driven by geopolitical interests. This is because the civilian or ‘normative’ power employed in the EU’s own region-building is also being projected in its external relations as the preferred world order model.
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| 7. |
- Agné, Hans, 1970-, et al.
(författare)
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The Costs of Legitimacy for Political Institutions
- 2022
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Ingår i: Global Studies Quarterly. - : Oxford University Press (OUP). - 2634-3797. ; 2:1
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Can political institutions be too legitimate for their own good? The standard view of legitimacy treats it purely as a resource—political institutions that enjoy legitimacy can draw on voluntary cooperation among their subjects to reach their aims, which is believed to make them more effective than institutions that lack legitimacy and must instead use coercion or bribery to reach aims. We challenge this conventional wisdom by advancing a more general theory that is sensitive also to the costs of legitimacy. High levels of legitimacy, we suggest, can make political actors complacent about the status quo and cause them to pay insufficient attention to problems related to implementation. In contrast, low levels of legitimacy—or legitimacy crises—can serve as a wake-up call and motivate actors to work harder to reach their original or wider goals. We illustrate this theory through a case study of the African Union, assessing when and how legitimacy serves as a cost or as a resource for political institutions, with implications for decision-making, implementation, and effectiveness.
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| 8. |
- Söderbaum, Fredrik, 1968, et al.
(författare)
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Contestations of the Liberal International Order: A Populist Script of Regional Cooperation
- 2021
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Bok (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- A seemingly never-ending stream of observers claims that the populist emphasis on nationalism, identity, and popular sovereignty undermines international collaboration and contributes to the crisis of the Liberal International Order (LIO). Why, then, do populist governments continue to engage in regional and international institutions? This Element unpacks the counter-intuitive inclination towards institutional cooperation in populist foreign policy and discusses its implications for the LIO. Straddling Western and non-Western contexts, it compares the regional cooperation strategies of populist leaders from three continents: Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, and Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte. The study identifies an emerging populist 'script' of regional cooperation based on notions of popular sovereignty. By embedding regional cooperation in their political strategies, populist leaders are able to contest the LIO and established international organisations without having to revert to unilateral nationalism.
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| 9. |
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| 10. |
- Söderbaum, Fredrik, 1968
(författare)
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‘Whose regionalism in Africa?’
- 2012
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Ingår i: GREAT Insights. ; 1:9, s. 11-12
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The majority of academics and policy analysts are overly idealistic about the potential of state-led regional cooperation in Africa. The fundamental problem with such notion is that it crowds out less sanguine and less politically correct assessments. As a brief contribution to a more balanced debate this commentary offers alternative answers to some basic but crucial questions: who is regionalism for and why is there such weak implementation in Africa’s regional integration schemes?
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