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Sökning: martin skoog > Skoog Martin 1980

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  • Skoog, Martin, 1980-, et al. (författare)
  • Perspektiv på det första världskriget : projektrapport
  • 2012
  • Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt)abstract
    • Med anledning av det stundande hundraårsminnet av det första världskrigets utbrott, har Pontus Rudberg och Martin Skoog under 2011 skisserat ett projekt som syftat till att uppmuntra museer och forskningsinstitutioner att observera minnesåren 2014-2018. I december 2011 erhöll de ett stipendium från Delegationen för militärhistorisk forskning (DMF) för att genomföra projektet. Resultatet är denna rapport, som översiktligt behandlar det första världskrigets historiografi och ger exempel på museer i Europa som behandlar konflikten. Rapporten innehåller också ett förslag på perspektiv som de uppfattar som fruktbara för att närma sig det första världskrigets konfliktkomplex under de närmsta åren.
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  • Skoog, Martin, 1980- (författare)
  • Det andra slaget vid Hällaskogen 1464 Om krigföring och taktik i det senmedeltida Sverige.
  • 2015
  • Ingår i: Collegium Medievale. - Oslo. - 0801-9282. ; 28, s. 105-144
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The second battle of Hälla forest 1464. Late medieval Swedish war-fare and tactics In this article I have considered some military aspects of king Christian I’s wintercampaign of 1464 and the second battle of Hälla forest. Previous research has beenrefuted concerning the actual location of the battle. The late medieval sources allspeak of an ambush in Hälla Forest, but this location cannot be identified in maps of today. Through an examination of 17 the and 18 the century maps I’ve been able to establish what area actually constituted Hälla forest in late medieval times. Additionally, a mapfrom 1652 also indicate a “winter road” stretching westward through the forest andnorth across the lakes in the direction of Dalecarlia. This road was accessible only during winter conditions, and would ease the logistic strains on any army movingnorth. The forest road also proved a perfect spot for an ambush. This is the explana-tion of why this place became a battlefield both during the Puke feud in 1437 and in1464 – both times during winter conditions. The indication of the winter road andthe fact that the old Hälla forest was a rather small area makes it possible to actually pinpoint the place where the ambush was set and the battle commenced. At this very place the map drawn in 1652 also indicates a stone formation named ‘The Puke Stone’ with reference to the battle in 1437.The insurgents’ army in 1464 was led by the Linköping bishop Kettil Karlsson(Vasa) with support from the family, friends and allies of him and his cousin the de-posed archbishop Jöns Bengtsson (Oxenstierna) and their retinues. The main body of the insurgents’ army consisted of peasant militia from the areas around and to thenorth of Lake Mälaren including the renowned Dalecarlia peasants from the miningdistrict. Additionally some of the towns around Lake Mälaren and in Östergötlandseem to have joined the uprising. Thus this was no pure ‘peasant army’, but an army  which composed of different strata of Swedish society, and was led by several mem-bers of the council of the realm. It likely consisted of 4000–4500 men. King Chris-tian’s army consisted of noble retinues from Denmark and Holstein, a large proportion of soldiers from the Danish towns, the larger part of the nobility fromsouthern Sweden (Götaland) and likely also a contingent from Stockholm. The num-ber is estimated to around 4000 men in total. Thus the clashing armies were of afairly equal size. The Danish army also consisted of a fair amount of Swedes, em-phasizing the civil war character of the conflict.The route chosen by the king was dictated by the movements of the insurgentarmy. Once the king had relieved the besieged Stockholm the bishop made a feignedretreat to Västerås and thereafter headed north. He anticipated that the king wouldchose the winter road through Hälla forest and prepared an ambush there, with wellconcealed wooden defences armed with crossbows and cannons – a practise commonin the late medieval Swedish style of warfare. The three concealed defences seem tohave been arranged in the shapes of concessive funnels gradually narrowing the roadpassage. The king’s forces entered the forest on the winter road and were suddenly surprized by cannon fire and volleys of arrows. They suffered losses before they man-aged to back up unto open ground again. The insurgent’s army poured out of its for-est positions and pitched battle commenced lasting for two hours, including a clashof elements of cavalry from both sides. The king’s army was likely too shaken to fighteffectively and eventually broke and ran. Several Danish and Swedish noblemen alike were slain or captured, and the royal army lost approximately 1000 dead or capturedmen. The retreating army was pursued but eventually managed to reach safety behindthe walls of Stockholm. The royal army mainly including professional soldiers wasdefeated by an army mainly comprising peasant militia. This is a fact that indicatesthat this was not a bunch of pitchfork wielding yokels but a corps of commoners with an approving military and tactical ability.The defeat at Hälla forest diminished Christian I’s political power in Sweden andbefore the end of the year he had lost the Swedish throne. This allowed for the returnfrom Prussia of the former Swedish king Karl Knutsson (Bonde). Yet turmoil andcivil war prevailed until 1471 when Christian I was finally defeated at the battle of Brunkeberg while trying to regain the throne. At that time the remnants of the po-litical party that had faced him at the battle of Hälla forest fought by his side and joined him in defeat.
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  • Skoog, Martin, 1980- (författare)
  • "Epoque i Svenska Krigsväsendet"– Etableringen av det sengustavianska lätta enhetsinfanteriet
  • 2015
  • Ingår i: Militärhistorisk Tidskrift. - 0283-8400. ; 1, s. 45-88
  • Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt)abstract
    • In this article I show how the tactical concept of light infantry skirmish-line fighting style was introduced into the Swedish line infantry regiments during the reign of Gustav IV Adolf (1792-1809). Up until the end of the 18th century a handful of Jaeger battalions represented the only light infantry units in the Swedish-Finnish army. At this point critical discussions in the general staff identified the demand for a larger proportion of light infantry. The crowns financial strains didn't allow for additional regiments to be organized. The solution chosen was a project to reshape and modernize the existing units to a new flexible standard. Through three sequential infantry reforms ca 1797-1806, skirmish line fighting was introduced as a universal tactical concept in all Swedish infantry regiments. Henceforth the whole infantry was trained to fight as flexible units capable of switching entire battalions (or parts of) from closed order to skirmish lines on the battlefield. This concept even applied to the quickly formed Landwehr battalions of 1808-1809. Success in this respect depended on frequent training and competence both among privates and officers. In this article I both study the discussions leading up to the decisions, the reforms as such reflected in the printed infantry exercise manuals, and to what extent they were applied in the subsequent campaigns, especially in Finland 1808 where they proved decisive in several of David's defensive victories against the Russian Goliath. This reform seem to be the modern threshold of tactical infantry doctrine prevailing up until the introduction of industrial warfare, although additional research on the post-Napoleonic 19th century still needs to be done to secure this claim.
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  • Skoog, Martin, 1980- (författare)
  • Gamla och nya legosoldater
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: Krig : tjugotvå försök. - Stockholm : Axel och Margaret Ax:son Johnsons stiftelse för allmännyttiga ändamål. - 9789189672840
  • Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt)abstract
    • In this essay I discuss mercenaries as a historical phenomenon and its implications to modern warfare. To a large extent mercenaries were instrumental in creating and consolidating early modern states in Europe during the 16th and 17th centuries. When the role of the military entrepreneurs declined in the 18th century it was not because of declining usefulness but because of an ideological shift. The enlightenment gave birth to nationalism and promoted the concept of citizen armies instead of processional entrepreneurs. But the very negative image of the mercenary figure was by no means a new one. It was in fact established already by the early 16th century generation of humanists – and also by Machiavelli – condemning the whole idea of fighting for profit. During the enlightenment these ideas finally prevailed and for two centuries the common citizen of the European states took to the trenches as a consequence. Many western intellectuals who today promote "democratic" ideals in the third world likewise condemn the use of mercenaries in what could in fact often be described as state-making conflicts in these areas. But why should we deny, for instance, African governments the same tools of political consolidation as were once successfully used in Europe? Could formative steps of state-making just be "skipped" in order to speed up development according to post-modern western ideals?
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  • Skoog, Martin, 1980- (författare)
  • Människonaturen och den arme abbé Frick
  • 2012
  • Ingår i: Tidskriften Heimdal. - Uppsala : Föreningen Heimdal. ; :2, s. 17-20
  • Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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8.
  • Skoog, Martin, 1980- (författare)
  • Senmedeltida stångvapen i svenska källor
  • 2015
  • Ingår i: Årbok (Norsk våpenhistorisk selskap). - Oslo : Norsk Våpenhistorisk selskap. - 0332-6780. ; s. 7-39
  • Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt)abstract
    • The aim of this article has been to create a general survey of some of the seemingly most common polearms in Sweden towards the end of the middle Ages, to date their general occurrence and to compare them with the contemporary European military development. Text sources, pictorial evidence and archælogic finds are considered. Firstly, a peculiar kind of spear – the “Shaft sword” (Stavsvärd) – was a part of the infantry armament in all groups of society (i.e. noble retainers and their retinues, burgers and peasants). Archaeologic evidence suggests that these weapons were actually made from reused sword blades, just as the German landsknecht Paul von Dolnstein attests when on campaign in Sweden in 1502. Almost all of the references to this weapon are grouped around 1500-1520, which indicates a fairly narrow time span for the use of this specific type of weapon. Further, the type does not seem to have any equivalent on the continent and is assumed to be a fairly regional weapon. It is unknown whether it was also used in Norway or Denmark. Secondly, war hammers (Polyxor) seem to have been around for a longer period and there is evidence of its use from early 15th century and up to the mid-16th century. The term “Polyxa” is borrowed from the continental word pollaxe, but late medieval Swedish sources imply that the Swedish term was rather a collective name for several similar weapons – in a few cases proper pollaxes, but much more commonly the infantry war hammer, which was of similar shape but without an actual axe head – similar to the Luzern-hammer. Just like the shaft sword the war hammer was common in all groups of society, also frequently used by the peasantry. The fact that the different types of weapons were not restricted to specific social groups – and common all over late medieval society – might be explained due to the fact that a large proportion of the Swedish peasantry was allodial and took an active part in the warfare side by side with the nobles and burgers. Thirdly, the halberd (hillebard) appears in the sources around 1500 in the hands of noble retinues and burgers. Only one picture ascribes it as a peasant weapon. But there is no trace of it in the sources before 1500, and apparently it was introduced rather late in Sweden compared to the continent. Forth, the pike (spets) is not mentioned as a Swedish infantry armament before 1520, and thereafter only appears in the new royal companies – not in local society. In the 1520ies and 1530ies the king Gustav Vasa tried to adapt the Swedish forces to the German standard, arming them to an extent with halberds and pikes. During the Dacke feud in 1542–1543 this armament was largely abandoned in favour of crossbows and firearms. During the Russian war 1555-1557 halberds and pikes was reintroduced as defence against the Russian cavalry. The appearance and development of these weapons in late medieval Norway is fairly unknown to the author. Therefore, hopefully this article might encourage some Norwegian research on the matter in order to develop Scandinavian comparisons.
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  • Skoog, Martin, 1980- (författare)
  • Slaget vid Älvsborg 1502
  • 2012
  • Ingår i: Gränsland i krigens skugga : Västergötlands Fornminnesförenings Tidskrift 2011-2012. - Skara : Västergötlands Fornminnesförening. - 978-91-979258-2-2 ; s. 13-40
  • Bokkapitel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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