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Sökning: L773:0010 4159 OR L773:2151 6227

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1.
  • Bjarnegård, Elin, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Political Parties and Gender Quota Implementation : The Role of Bureaucratized Candidate Selection Processes
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: Comparative politics. - : Comparative Politics CUNY. - 0010-4159 .- 2151-6227. ; 48:3, s. 393-417
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article scrutinizes the role of political parties in gender quota implementation. First, it theoretically specifies and operationalizes the concept of bureaucratization in relation to candidate selection. Second, it examines whether parties with bureaucratized selection procedures are better at implementing legally mandated candidate quotas than other parties. We measure implementation as the number of women candidates and women elected (the latter measuring implementation of the spirit of quota laws). Using unique data on almost 100 Latin American parties, the analysis shows that once quotas are in place, parties with bureaucratized selection procedures put substantially more women on their candidate lists than other parties. However, these parties are only better at implementing the letter of the law: they do not get more women elected.
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2.
  • Daxecker, Ursula, et al. (författare)
  • Electoral Violence, Partisan Identity, and Perceptions of Election Quality : A Survey Experiment in West Bengal, India
  • 2022
  • Ingår i: Comparative politics. - : City University of New York. - 0010-4159 .- 2151-6227. ; 55:1, s. 47-69
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • What are the consequences of election violence for citizens' political attitudes? We argue that in polarized contexts, citizens' interpretation of electoral violence depends on their partisan affiliations. When presented with information alleging co-partisans' involvement in violence, people with strong partisan identities become more likely to assert that elections were free and fair. We test this expectation with a vignette experiment in West Bengal after India's 2019 elections, presenting respondents with information about violence while varying the partisan identity of the perpetrator. Consistent with expectations, supporters of the Trinamool Congress (TMC) increased their evaluations of election quality when hearing about co-partisan violence. We find no evidence of disconfirmation bias for Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) supporters; their recent shift to the party plausibly explains this finding.
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3.
  • Hughes, Melanie M., et al. (författare)
  • Global Gender Quota Adoption, Implementation, and Reform
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: Comparative politics. - 0010-4159 .- 2151-6227. ; 51:2, s. 219-238
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Over the last fifty years, gender quotas have transformed the composition of national legislatures worldwide. But a lack of systematic cross-national longitudinal data limits the questions researchers are able to ask about quotas. This article introduces a new dataset-QAROT (Quota Adoption and Reform Over Time) — the first global dataset on gender quota adoption, implementation, and reform over time. Theoretically, we clarify important issues in extant quota research. The dataset moves beyond traditional categorizations of quota policies with new measures of quota design, quota thresholds, placement mandates, sanctions for non-compliance, and quota effectiveness. We also create a single-variable measure of the presence of an effective quota to be used by comparative politics researchers to control for this powerful institutional feature.
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5.
  • McMann, Kelly, et al. (författare)
  • Explaining Subnational Regime Variation: Country-Level Factors
  • 2021
  • Ingår i: Comparative politics. - 0010-4159 .- 2151-6227. ; 53:4, s. 637-685
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Studies of a small number of countries have revealed that both democratic and non-democratic subnational governments can exist within a single country. However, these works have neither demonstrated how common subnational regime variation is nor explained why some countries are more prone to it. This article does both. We show that subnational regime variation exists in all world regions, in both unitary and federal states, and in both the present and past, using Varieties of Democracy global data from 1900 to 2018. The article also demonstrates theoretically and empirically how social heterogeneity and factors undermining a national government’s ability to extend control throughout a country promote this variation. Specifically, subnational regime variation is more common in countries that are ethnically diverse, rugged, and populous.
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6.
  • Themnér, Anders, 1976- (författare)
  • Former Military Networks and the Micro-Politics of Violence and Statebuilding in Liberia
  • 2015
  • Ingår i: Comparative politics. - New York : City University of New York. - 0010-4159 .- 2151-6227. ; 47:3, s. 334-353
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Recent studies have highlighted the inability of disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration programs to dismantle command structures in the aftermath of civil war. The effect that lingering military networks have on peace, however, is ambiguous. Therefore, a key question—which has so far been unanswered—is why some ex-military networks are remobilized for violent purposes while others are used for more productive ones, such as income-generating activities. In this article, I seek to address this question by comparing two former mid-level commanders (ex-MiLCs) in Liberia and the networks that they control. Based on this comparison I argue that it is ex-MiLCs who are shunned by governing elites as peacetime brokers of patronage—distributing economic resources to ex-fighters—that are most likely to remobilize their ex-combatant networks.
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7.
  • Zetterberg, Pär, 1975-, et al. (författare)
  • Democracy and Electoral Gender Quota Adoption Worldwide
  • 2022
  • Ingår i: Comparative politics. - : Comparative Politics CUNY. - 0010-4159 .- 2151-6227. ; 54:2, s. 327-348
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article theorizes and uses global and longitudinal data on gender quota laws to investigate how levels and dimensions of democracy affect the adoption of different quotatypes. Our results demonstrate that countries at middle levels of the democracy scale are more likely to adopt quotas. Within this diverse group of countries, those that have relatively low levels of electoral contestation (i.e., limited political rights) are most likely to adopt reserved seats. On the other hand, the likelihood of adopting candidate quotas is highest in countries where the protection of civil liberties (i.e., individual freedoms of association, etc.) is moderately high. Our findings suggest that different levels and dimensions of democracy provide political actors with incentives and constraints that create distinct trajectories for quota adoption.
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8.
  • Broms, Rasmus, 1984, et al. (författare)
  • Religion and Institutional Quality: Long-Term Effects of the Financial Systems in Protestantism and Islam
  • 2020
  • Ingår i: Comparative politics. - 0010-4159. ; 52:3, s. 433-454
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Religion is one of the most commonly cited explanations for cross-country variation in institutional quality. In particular, Protestantism, and the cultural values that follow from its doctrine, has been identified as particularly beneficial. Nevertheless, micro-level studies provide little evidence for religion producing norms and values conducive to good institutions. We propose an alternate explanation for the observed macro-level variation: historical systems for local religious financing, contrasting the medieval parish system in Northwestern Europe, where members collectively paid for and administrated religious services as public goods, with the Ottoman Empire, where such goods were normally provided through endowments from private individuals and tax collection was comparatively privatized. We argue that a legacy of collective financing and accountability in the former region created a virtuous cycle of high state capacity and low corruption, reverberating to this day as good institutions.
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9.
  • Chapman, H. S., et al. (författare)
  • Xenophobia on the Rise? Temporal and Regional Trends in Xenophobic Attitudes in Russia
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: Comparative Politics. - 0010-4159. ; 50:3
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • In this article we consider the trajectory of xenophobia in Russia since the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Using survey data from 1996, 2004, and 2012, we examine Russians' negative attitudes toward seven outgroups over time. We also statistically analyze the degree to which correlates of xenophobia have changed between 1996 and 2012. We find that Muscovites have become more xenophobic toward many groups over time relative to residents of other regions. This change is particularly striking in comparison to 1996, when Muscovites were generally less xenophobic than residents of other regions. Finally, we find that a strong lack of confidence in Russian President Putin is associated with higher levels of xenophobia across time, complicating the perceived link between the Russian government and xenophobic sentiment.
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10.
  • Kao, Kristen, et al. (författare)
  • Female Electability in the Arab World: The Advantages of Intersectionality
  • 2021
  • Ingår i: Comparative politics. - 0010-4159. ; 53:3, s. 427-464
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Many studies of women’s electability in the developing world focus on single traits such as gender, ethnicity, or religion. Employing an original survey experiment in Jordan, we examine the impacts of multiple, intersecting candidate identities on voter preferences. We show empirically that existing theories of electoral behavior alone cannot account for women’s electability. An intersectional lens that considers how power structures shape electability and produce complex effects that must be empirically verified in different contexts is needed. Although less electable overall, female candidates fare as well as males from similar social identity groups. Our findings underscore the need to apply intersectionality to theories of electoral behavior in the developing world and lay the groundwork for a larger research agenda explaining women’s electability in Arab elections.
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