| 1. |
- Bonet, Eulàlia, et al.
(författare)
-
(In)Direct reference in the phonology-syntax interface under phase theory: a response to Modular PIC (D’Alessandro and Scheer 2015)
- 2019
-
Ingår i: Linguistic Inquiry. - : MIT Press. - 0024-3892 .- 1530-9150. ; 50:4, s. 751-777
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- While the domains of phrasal phonological processes are, in many interface theories, defined in terms of prosodic constituents, D’Alessandro and Scheer (2015) argue that their proposed modification of phase theory, Modular PIC, renders prosodic constituents superfluous. Phrasal phonological domains can instead be defined directly in the syntax. In this response, we argue that Modular PIC does not provide a convincing new approach to the syntaxphonology interface, as it is both too powerful and too restrictive. We show that the analysis offered of Raddoppiamento fonosintattico in Eastern Abruzzese does not justify the loss of restrictiveness Modular PIC brings to phase theory. Modular PIC is also shown to be too restrictive to account for phenomena, from Bantu languages and others, which have received satisfactory analyses within interface theories that appeal to prosodic constituents. We conclude that Modular PIC does not successfully replace prosodic constituent approaches to the interface.
|
|
| 2. |
- Erteschik-Shir, Nomi, et al.
(författare)
-
Variation in Mainland Scandinavian Object Shift : A Prosodic Analysis
- 2021
-
Ingår i: Linguistic Inquiry. - : MIT Press - Journals. - 1530-9150 .- 0024-3892. ; 52:4, s. 711-746
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Despite a decade-long research history, there are still ongoing debates on the analysis of Object Shift in Mainland Scandinavian, and all syntactic and information-structural accounts have run into empirical and/or conceptual problems. We argue that this debate can be resolved by recognizing that OS is, in fact, a prosodic phenomenon. Our analysis builds on the observatioDespite a decade-long research history, there are still ongoing debates on the analysis of Object Shift in Mainland Scandinavian, and all syntactic and information-structural accounts n that varieties with optional OS (most Swedish dialects, southern Danish dialects (e.g. Ærø)) also have a tone accent contrast. The insitu word order in these varieties is licensed because tonal accent creates a prosodic domain that makes the incorporation of weak pronouns possible.
|
|
| 3. |
- Magnusson Petzell, Erik, 1977-
(författare)
-
Head Conjuncts : Evidence from Old Swedish
- 2017
-
Ingår i: Linguistic Inquiry. - : MIT Press. - 0024-3892 .- 1530-9150. ; 48:1, s. 129-157
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- It is sometimes taken for granted that heads as well as phrases may form coordinate conjuncts. Still, what looks like a head may be a phrase with only the head visible. This loophole is shut, however, when we turn to Old Swedish stylistic fronting. In certain contexts, only single-word expressions are fronted, which leads to the conclusion that head fronting is indeed going on. When these heads originate in a coordinate structure, they must constitute the entire first conjunct, and cannot be part of an elliptic phrasal conjunct; otherwise, the ellipsis is not properly licensed.
|
|
| 4. |
- Sigurdsson, Halldor Armann
(författare)
-
Gender at the edge
- 2019
-
Ingår i: Linguistic Inquiry. - : MIT Press - Journals. - 1530-9150 .- 0024-3892. ; , s. 723-750
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article develops an analysis of Gender whereby D-gender entersgrammar as a feature variable (edge linker), without a fixed value,either probing n or scanning the context for a value. Only the latterstrategy is available in pronominal gender languages such as English,as they lack n-gender, whereas both strategies are applicable in ngenderlanguages, variably so for variable DPs, depending on their nPcontent and on context. The article adopts the idea that context linkingdoes not merely involve pragmatic context scanning but also has asyntactic side to it, edge computation, whereby context-scanned andrecycled features are computed at the phase edge in relation to CPinternalelements, via edge linkers. The context-linking approach hasbeen previously launched for Tense and Person. This article extendsit to Gender, thereby generalizing over context-sensitive grammaticalcategories and developing a novel view of the overall architecture ofgrammar.
|
|
| 5. |
- Sigurosson, Halldór Ármann, et al.
(författare)
-
Hvor ‘Each’ Reciprocals and Distributives in Icelandic : E-Raising + Short Main Verb Movement
- 2022
-
Ingår i: Linguistic Inquiry. - : MIT Press - Journals. - 0024-3892 .- 1530-9150. ; 53:3, s. 571-588
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- We discuss remarkable constructions in Icelandic that have the distributive pronoun hvor ‘each’ in common: the reciprocal construction hvor annar ‘each other’, and the distributive construction hvor sinn ‘each their’, which also comes in a sinn hvor ‘their each’ version. We provide the first detailed description of these constructions, in particular their case and word order properties, which raise recalcitrant puzzles, and then we discuss what they say about the syntax of nonfinite verbs. Specifically, the word order and case properties of these constructions indicate that nonfinite verbs in Icelandic undergo short verb movement within the verb phrase. That is, the evidence indicates that the leftmost element in these constructions, alternatively hvor or sinn, originates inside an object DP and moves, by what we call e-raising, to the base position of an antecedent with which it agrees, before being stranded by that very antecedent. Nevertheless, the verb appears to the left of this element, even when it is a nonfinite verb, showing that it must undergo short movement to the left of Spec,vP. In addition, the interaction of e-raising and case has important consequences for Case theory, as it indicates that case agreement and case marking take place in PF.
|
|
| 6. |
- Sigurðsson, Halldor Armann
(författare)
-
Conditions on argument drop
- 2011
-
Ingår i: Linguistic Inquiry. - 1530-9150. ; 42:2, s. 267-304
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article pursues the idea that null arguments are derived without any statement or parameter, instead following "naturally" from 3rd factor principles and effects (in the sense of Chomsky 2005). The article thus contributes to the program of eliminating statements in grammar in favor of general factors. More specifically, it develops a theory of C/edge linking in terms of syntactically active but silent C-features, where all referential definite arguments, overt and silent, must match these features in order to be successfully C/edge-linked (interpreted). On the approach pursued, radically silent arguments-such as Germanic zero topics and controlled 3rd person null subjects in Finnish-commonly raise across a lexical C (a complementizer or a verb-second (V2) verb) into the edge of the C-domain for the purpose of successful C/edge linking (circumventing C-intervention), thereby showing (A) over bar -behavior not observed for other types of arguments (including the Romance type of pro). Silent arguments are universally available in syntax, whereas their C/edge linking is constrained by factors (such as Germanic V2) that may or may not be present or active in individual languages and constructions.
|
|
| 7. |
- Sigurðsson, Halldor Armann
(författare)
-
Minimalist C/case
- 2012
-
Ingår i: Linguistic Inquiry. - 1530-9150. ; 43:2, s. 191-227
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article discusses A-licensing and case from a minimalist perspective, pursuing the idea that argument NPs cyclically enter a number of A-relations, rather than just a single one, resulting in event-licensing, case-licensing and phi-licensing. While argument case commonly reflects Voice/v-relations, canonical A-movement is driven by higher elements, either in the C-T system or in a superordinate v-system (in ECM constructions). In addition, there is a distinction to be drawn between the triggering of A-movement, by for example C, and the licensing of the landing site, by for instance T, C-probing leading to tucking-in into Spec-T. Much of the evidence presented comes from quirky case constructions in Icelandic and from ECM and raising constructions in Icelandic and English. It is argued that T in ECM constructions inherits phi-licensing from the matrix v, regardless of the case properties of v.
|
|
| 8. |
- Sigurðsson, Halldor Armann
(författare)
-
The Nominative Puzzle and the Low Nominative Hypothesis
- 2006
-
Ingår i: Linguistic Inquiry. - 1530-9150. ; 37:2, s. 289-308
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Under the view of nominative Case taken by Chomsky (2000, 2001), one would expect nominative to be the marked or complex Case, being merged after accusative. In fact, however, it is the other way around, nominative preconditioning accusative and also being the Case of simple structures (unaccusative, etc.). The article argues that this Nominative Puzzle is not real, the nominative argument in fact being the first argument merged, raised across the accusative later in the derivation for independent reasons. This approach not only accounts for the dependency correlation between accusative and nominative (Burzio’s Generalization), but also offers a derivational account of Condition A correlations (anaphors being merged higher than their ‘‘antecedents’’). Importantly, it also makes it possible to explain Icelandic quirky constructions in terms of a general matching theory. In addition, the article develops a novel approach to Move as applying for the purpose of successful feature matching.
|
|
