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- Al Weswasi, Enes
(författare)
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Spending blood for oil in Nigeria : a frame analysis of Shell’s neutralisation of acts that led to corporate-initiated state crime
- 2019
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Ingår i: Nordisk Tidsskrift for Kriminalvidenskab. - 0029-1528. ; 106:3, s. 280-296
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The environmental impact of Shell Oil Company in Nigeria has resulted in large-scale protests. Despite their peaceful nature, these protests have been met with lethal violence by the Nigerian security forces. Accusations have been levelled against Shell for liability for human rights violations, but the company has denied responsibility. Previously confidential correspondence between Shell and Nigerian officials has come to show that the company has repeatedly persuaded security personnel to act against the protests. This article examines how Shell framed its desire for the Nigerian state to suppress the protests against the company. It does so by analysing the published documents, based on the theoretical framework provided by Stanley Cohen’s (1993) concepts regarding the neutralisation of criminal acts, and specifically, the neutralisation technique of appealing to higher loyalties. This is a technique adopted by companies when they use the greater good as a rationale for minimising their responsibility for harmful acts. The correspondence between Shell and Nigerian officials shows that Shell continuously urged the Nigerian officials to take action by referring to the company’s contribution to economic and social development in the region, even after their calls for action had been shown to have resulted in human rights abuses. In describing these rationales, the article highlights a case of corporate-initiated state crime, a form of crime that involves corporations inducing state actors to commit harmful acts.
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| 4. |
- Anderberg, Andreas, 1981
(författare)
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‘Caught between a rock and a hard place’ – några aktuella åtgärder mot omyndiga lagöverträdare i Sverige
- 2023
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Ingår i: Nordisk Tidsskrift for Kriminalvidenskab. - 0029-1528. ; 110:3, s. 401-414
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The societal approach towards juvenile offenders have, in a Nordic context, focused on care and treatment rather than punishment. As juvenile delinquency is seen as an ever-increasing problem, the social law efforts have been deemed insufficient by politicians and more emphasis has been placed on measures of criminal justice. Further-more, procedural regulations have been subject to reform proposals in a repressive direction. At the same time, children’s rights have been strengthened for example by the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child becoming Swedish law.The legal consequences for juvenile offenders are thus a complex field of tension, in the middle of legal areas with often diametrically opposed goals and strategies. The question has also been raised whether juvenile offenders should be dealt with, within an entirely separate system.The purpose of this essay is to illustrate the conflict area and show a development in the legislature on juvenile offenders. Also, the ques-tion whether the increasingly repressive measures are compatible with children’s (human) rights is raised. The essay is based on Swedish conditions, but since Swedish legal debate in recent years have been strongly influenced by (sometimes questioned) Danish reforms such as e.g. lowering the age of criminal responsibility and introducing special Youth Crime Boards, Denmark will serve as a natural point of comparison.
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| 5. |
- Anderberg, Andreas, 1981-
(författare)
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Det allmänna rättsmedvetandet och några svenska förarbeten på straffrättens område 2008–2018
- 2020
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Ingår i: Nordisk Tidsskrift for Kriminalvidenskab. - : Dansk Kriminalistforening. - 0029-1528. ; :3, s. 251-267
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article focuses on what is often termed the general (or public) sense of justice, GSJ for short. It illustrates the influence that the GSJ has had on variouspreparatory works in Swedish criminal law during a recent decade. It is oftenclaimed that the GSJ is used as an argument in political discourse and decisionmaking in the area of criminal law, especially to motivate criminalisation andharsher penal sanctions. Political points can be scored and general elections wonby deploying a tough stance on crime. A problematic aspect is that by appealingto the GSJ, legislators create a way to legitimise punitive measures with little orno empirical support in criminological research. Furthermore, the very conceptof the GSJ is unclear, contentious, and characterised by a plethora of interpretations.This article provides background on the GSJ in the Nordic countries andthereby gives context to some recent legislative work in Sweden. The article concludesthat legislators frequently reproduce phrases which, under closer inspection,appear quite hollow. The GSJ therefore seems to be more of a vague referenceused for political purposes as opposed to a representation of actual popularvalues.
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- Andersson, Robert, 1968-
(författare)
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En kommentar til Henrik Tham
- 2019
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Ingår i: Nordisk Tidsskrift for Kriminalvidenskab. - Köpenhamn : Kriminalistisk Institut. - 0029-1528. ; 106:2, s. 266-271
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 9. |
- Andersson, Robert, Docent, 1968-
(författare)
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Från behandling till hårdare tag? : En kritisk analys av högervågsargumentet inom svensk kriminalpolitik
- 2019
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Ingår i: Nordisk Tidsskrift for Kriminalvidenskab. - Köpenhamn : Kriminalistisk Institut. - 0029-1528 .- 2446-3051. ; 106:1, s. 19-36
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this article I address the question of whether there has been a punitive turn in Swedish crime policy or not. Since the punitive turn is connected to the downfall of the rehabilitative ideal, and to what David Garland has termed penal welfar-ism, I make my argument with reference to these phenomena in Sweden. I claim that there were two rationales behind the penal welfare state and the rehabilita-tive ideal in Sweden: a social liberal rationale built on paternalism and interven-tionism, and a social democratic rationale built on Marxist class analysis. My argument is that while penal welfarism is still operating in Sweden, the social liberal rationale has been discarded. This means that the social democratic rationale built on Marxist class analysis is now the single dominating force behind Swedish penal welfarism. The argument for a punitive turn in Sweden therefore has no support.
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