| 1. |
- Blomqvist, Håkan, 1951-
(författare)
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Socialist patriotism, racism and antisemitism in the early Swedish labour movement
- 2017
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Ingår i: Patterns of Prejudice. - : Routledge. - 0031-322X .- 1461-7331. ; 51:3-4, s. 318-334
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Blomqvist's article holds that nationalism in the socialist labour movement did not suddenly manifest itself as Europe went to war in 1914. In Sweden, patriotic ideas from the French Revolution and radical liberalism heavily influenced the early labour movement and contributed to the development of a socialist patriotism. As a twin of socialist internationalism, this left-wing working-class nationalism centred on the question Who is the nation?' The answer was not simply the working people', but penetrated further into the questionin this age of nationalization of the massesof who those working people' were. With few intellectual resources of its own in its early years, the young socialist movement in Sweden had to rely on popular liberal education. Accordingly, knowledge from the modern natural sciences and anthropology was imported with its ideas of human races as kernels of nationality. Academics who subsequently joined the socialist movement tried to interpret racial science and eugenics to the advantage of the working class and for the sake of social reform. Together with socialist patriotism, this attempt developed into a racialized message on the anthropological value of Swedish workers as opposed to both the bourgeois elites and foreign low-paid workers and strikebreakers. In its more extreme versionas represented by a leading Swedish social democratit turned older stereotypes of Jews into a racist antisemitic discourse against those who were believed to be the enemies of Swedish labour. The combination of socialist patriotism, racism and antisemitism, however, was challenged by other interpretations and experiences.
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| 2. |
- Bojanić, Sanja, et al.
(författare)
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Challenging cultures of rejection
- 2022
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Ingår i: Patterns of Prejudice. - : Taylor & Francis. - 0031-322X .- 1461-7331. ; 56:4-5, s. 315-335
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this article, Bojanic, Jonsson, Neergaard and Sauer present a synthetic overview of the five country cases included in the special issue that analyse the emergence of cultures of rejection since 2015. In general, they discuss the conceptual framework of ‘Cultures of Rejection’, elaborated throughout the issue as a more encompassing approach that is sensitive to the values, norms and affects that underlie different or similar patterns of exclusion and rejection in different contexts. These cultures are located in the everyday lives of people. The article, therefore, first identifies contexts, objects of rejection—often migrants and racialized Others, but also ‘the political’ or state institutions—narratives and components of cultures of rejection that we label reflexivity, affect, nostalgia and moralistic judgement. The contrasting reading of the five cases shows that people struggle for agency under precarious and insecure conditions, and fight against imagined enemies. As Bojanić, Jonsson, Neergaard and Sauer conclude, cultures of rejection mirror ongoing processes of neoliberal dispossession, authoritarization and depolitization that culminate in a wish for agency and resovereignization. Second, and based on this overview, trends in cultures of rejection are detected against different national contexts as well as against common trends of social and economic transformations and crises, such as, for instance, the COVID-19 pandemic. This results, finally, in a discussion of ways of challenging the cultures of rejection towards more democratic and solidaristic societies. One starting point might be the ‘re-embedding’ of the economy in society, that is, a more equal distribution of resources and future perspectives.
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| 3. |
- Harteveld, Eelco, et al.
(författare)
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The gender gap in populist radical-right voting: Examining the demand side in Western and Eastern Europe
- 2015
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Ingår i: Patterns of Prejudice. - 0031-322X .- 1461-7331. ; 49:1-2, s. 103-134
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In most countries, men are more likely to vote for parties of the populist radical right (PRR) than women. The authors argue here that there are two mechanisms that might potentially explain this gender gap: mediation (women’s attitudes and characteristics differ from men’s in ways that explain the PRR vote) and moderation (women vote for different reasons than men). They apply these two mechanisms to general theories of support for PRR parties—the socio-structural model, the discontent model, and the policy vote model—and test these on a large sample of voters in seventeen Western and Eastern European countries. The study shows that the gender gap is produced by a combination of moderation and mediation. Socio-structural differences between men and women exist, but the extent to which they explain the gender gap is limited, and primarily restricted to post- Communist countries. Furthermore, women generally do not differ from men in their level of nativism, authoritarianism or discontent with democracy. Among women, however, these attitudes are less strongly related to a radical-right vote. This suggests that men consider the issues of the radical right to be more salient, but also that these parties deter women for reasons other than the content of their political programme. While the existing research has focused almost exclusively on mediation, we show that moderation and mediation contribute almost equally to the gender gap. © 2015 Taylor & Francis.
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| 4. |
- Hurd, Madeleine, et al.
(författare)
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Retelling the past, inspiring the future : Waffen-SS commemorations and the creation of a ‘European’ far-right counter-narrative
- 2016
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Ingår i: Patterns of Prejudice. - 0031-322X .- 1461-7331. ; 50:4-5, s. 420-444
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Heinrich Himmler created the Waffen-SS in part as a multinational force, willing to fight for a New Europe based on Germanic blood. After the war, many international Waffen-SS units formed veterans' associations (VAs). Like other VAs, these provided veterans with the chance to engage in ‘memory work’ and to keep alive a sense of comradeship and of valiant sacrifice, as well as an emotional commitment to the fallen. Waffen-SS veterans were, however, alone in celebrating their ‘sacrifices’. Others shunned them for their participation in atrocities. To defend themselves, they developed a counter-hegemonic Second World War narrative that presented the Waffen-SS as uniquely heroic ‘European’ volunteers' against Bolshevism. This counter-narrative, however, only gained resonance with the fall of the Berlin Wall. After 1989, in fact, veterans could seek out and establish sites of public commemoration, not in Western but in Eastern Europe. Hurd and Werther use veterans' journals and books to explore the redeployment of SS ideology in a revisionist version of history. They examine the resurrection of a mass Waffen-SS graveyard in East Ukraine as a telling case history, discussing, not least, the implications of a ‘reconciliation’ of the former German soldiers with both Ukrainian villagers and Red Army veterans. Finally, they explore the significance of the veterans' ‘European’ counter-history for a younger generation of neo-Nazis.
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| 5. |
- Rheindorf, Markus, et al.
(författare)
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"Austria First' revisited : a diachronic cross-sectional analysis of the gender and body politics of the extreme right
- 2019
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Ingår i: Patterns of Prejudice. - : Taylor & Francis. - 0031-322X .- 1461-7331. ; 53:3, s. 302-320
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this paper, Rheindorf and Wodak provide a discourse-historical analysis of extreme-right cultural politics in Austria, ranging from the blatant racism in the speeches of Vienna's former Deputy Mayor Johann Gudenus (now MP in the Austrian parliament) to the construction of an idealized national body in the election campaigns of the Freiheitliche Partei osterreichs (FPo), its programmatic agenda in handbooks and pamphlets, and the performances of far-right pop singer Andreas Gabalier. Rheindorf and Wodak argue that such cultural politics use a wide spectrum of discursive strategies both inside and outside established party politics and that the accompanying production of an ideal extreme-right subject is informed by nativist ideology. The cross-sectional analysis demonstrates that the cultural politics of the Austrian extreme right ranges from appropriated national symbols to coded National Socialist iconography. These politics pervasively construct a gendered and racialized national body, policed by a strict father' and nurtured by a self-sacrificing mother', vis-a-vis an apocalyptic threat scenario identified with migration, intellectual and political elites, cosmopolitanism and progressive gender politics.
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| 6. |
- Soto, Celina Ortega, 1994-
(författare)
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Swedish ‘cultures of rejection’ and decreasing trust in authority during the COVID pandemic
- 2022
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Ingår i: Patterns of Prejudice. - : Taylor & Francis. - 0031-322X .- 1461-7331. ; 56:4-5, s. 237-257
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- While many countries were locking down due to the spread of COVID-19, Sweden remained open with few restrictions, as authorities relied predominantly on a civil sense of responsibility and collective compliance with government recommendations. Drawing on interviews conducted with workers in retail and logistics in 2020–21, ethnographic work in digital environments as well as in public spaces and demonstrations, this article analyses discourses of everyday life and discourses of rejection, exploring how rejections were shaped in reaction to how the government and the Public Health Agency of Sweden handled the pandemic. Ortega Soto's article uses the concept of cultures of rejection—emphasizing a complex compound of values, norms and affects that reject different phenomena in different contexts—to analyse how working and living conditions, political opinions, social views and media habits informed workers' disagreements with and reactions to the official handling of the pandemic, as well as how this may have led to a growing loss of trust in government. Ortega Soto further investigates how the expression of cultures of rejection differs across generations by looking closely into the ways that nostalgia and a sense of loss enhance such responses among various social groups. The article contributes to a wider understanding of the political shifts and cultural changes that were manifested in the context of the pandemic in Sweden.
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| 7. |
- Önnerfors, Andreas, 1971
(författare)
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Between Breivik and PEGIDA: the absence of ideologues and leaders on the contemporary European far right
- 2017
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Ingår i: Patterns of Prejudice. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0031-322X .- 1461-7331. ; 51:2, s. 159-175
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In the aftermath of the Norwegian terror attacks of 22 July 2011, the question of agency with regard to the convicted perpetrator, Anders Behring Breivik, has frequently been discussed. Did he really act on his own? Were his actions self-directed? Was he, as a typical lone wolf', inspired by the prevalent far-right concept of leaderless resistance' or, simply, a blind tool, a string puppet pushed and pulled by dark forces, as some commentators have claimed? His cut-and-paste manifesto points to inspiration from ideas circulating in the European Counter Jihad Movement (ECJM), in itself a contradictory mix of ideological positions. A number of these ideas were given new life when the so-called populist right-wing movement of indignation', the Patriotische Europaer Gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes (PEGIDA) took to the streets of Dresden in the autumn of 2014. The driving force behind PEGIDA, Lutz Bachmann, with a past as petty criminal and doorman, is an unlikely front man for one of the most successful political initiatives in post-unification Germany. Comparing Breivik and PEGIDA, onnerfors argues that the ECJM is part of the third generation' of right-wing discourse that is without a consistent world view, dominant leaders and prolific ideologues. Instead, in a new atmosphere of politics of passion' and post-politics', fuzzy ECJM ideology turns into a screen upon which diffuse uneasiness with current political affairs can be projected and channelled. Outside the scope of onnerfors's article but worth noting is the considerable impact these developments have had on electoral support for right-wing populist parties such as the Front National in France, the Alternative fur Deutschland in Germany and the Sverigedemokraterna in Sweden.
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| 8. |
- Burnett, Scott, 1978, et al.
(författare)
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'Breeders for race and nation': gender, sexuality and fecundity in post-war British fascist discourse
- 2021
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Ingår i: Patterns of Prejudice. - 0031-322X. ; 55:4, s. 331-356
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Burnett and Richardson's paper has two related aims. First, it develops a model of how gender is articulated within fascist and other far-right discourses based on a review of the relevant scholarship. This model is presented in the first section. Researchers have in the past suggested a gap, or even a wilful ignorance, of gender in studies of the far right, and claimed that the topic is 'neglected' and 'under-researched'. This gap is to some extent held open by disciplinary, historical and definitional boundaries that work fractally to split inquiry. Burnett and Richardson have thus read the literature in a kaleidoscopic fashion, including analysis across different historical periods and country contexts, to examine how gender surfaces in various 'fascist' discourses. This approach covered psychoanalytical, discourse analytical, historical, art historical, literary, political and anthropological approaches to gender and fascism. The second aim of the paper is to show how the model proposed is brought into relief in a particular country context: that of the United Kingdom since the Second World War. Gender in post-war British fascism has been the subject of several important studies, though none of them have specifically traced the textual journey of key ideas and themes related to gender in mediatized far-right discourse. Building on a discourse-historical analytic approach to the development of fascist politics of this period, Burnett and Richardson argue that paying attention to gender in fascist discourse is a useful lens through which to analyse the local and historical contingencies that make one fascist discursive formation differ from another.
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