| 1. |
- Bassin, Mark, 1953-
(författare)
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Lev Gumilev and the European New Right
- 2015
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Ingår i: Nationalities Papers. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0090-5992 .- 1465-3923. ; 43:6, s. 840-865
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The striking affinities that have developed between radical-conservative movements in Western Europe and Russia since the end of the Cold War have been widely noted. This essay considers these affinities through the example of the Soviet historian and geographer Lev Nikolaevich Gumilev (1912–1992). It argues that Gumilev and the European New Right developed perspectives that were highly comparable, founded on similar principles, and articulated through similar images and allusions. Yet despite the powerful resonances in terms of basic concepts and theoretical orientation, there were nonetheless deep differences in terms of the conclusions regarding the practical implications for their respective societies that Gumilev and the Europeans deduced from these principles.
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| 2. |
- Bedford, Sofie, 1975-
(författare)
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The 2020 Presidential Election in Belarus : Erosion of Authoritarian Stability and Re-politicization of Society
- 2021
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Ingår i: Nationalities Papers. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0090-5992 .- 1465-3923. ; 49:5, s. 808-819
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- On August 9, 2020, presidential elections were held in Belarus. Despite blatant electoral fraud and procedural violations, the official results declared Aleksandr Lukashenka reelected for a sixth term. While in the past, even the most obviously fraudulent election results have been followed by an atmosphere of resigned acceptance, this time countless Belarusians took to the streets to contest the results. What made this election different? This analysis of current affairs looks at the 2020 events through the lens of authoritarian consolidation theory, suggesting the unprecedented political mobilization was enabled by erosion in the three pillars of authoritarian stability: repression, cooptation, and legitimation. A majority of the population had been accepting the political status quo out of fear, for social and monetary security provided in exchange for loyalty, or a general understanding that there were no alternatives. Lukashenka did not realize this had largely changed. Nine months later, the foundation of the authoritarian regime is in an even worse shape. The regime’s reliance on repression further counteracts the legitimacy of the system. As a result, it seems it will be difficult for the authorities to re-consolidate authoritarianism, at least in the near future, no matter how the ‘revolution’ unfolds.
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| 3. |
- Bennich-Björkman, Li, 1960-
(författare)
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Civic commitment, political culture and the Estonian inter-war generation
- 2007
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Ingår i: Nationalities Papers. - : Cambridge University Press (CUP). - 0090-5992 .- 1465-3923. ; 35:1, s. 1-21
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The purpose of this article is to investigate to what extent civic commitment and the political culture from the Estonian first republic survived communism at an individual level. Have representatives of the Estonian inter-war generation who endured Soviet occupation been able to remain civically committed even though they were disconnected from democratic institutions for a major part of their lives? Sometimes labelled “republican,” this generation matured into early adulthood during an unusually formative period in Estonian history, when the new democratic state was taking shape in between the two world wars. Hence, it fulfils the criteria of a political generation as “a group of human beings who have undergone the same basic historical experiences during their formative years.” The analysis contributes to two different, although in this context interrelated, discussions. The first addresses the roots of Estonia's successful post-communist experiences, the second the extent to which early socialization endures dramatic institutional shifts.
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| 4. |
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| 5. |
- Berglund, Christofer, 1985-
(författare)
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“Forward to David the Builder!” : Georgia's (re)turn to language-centered nationalism
- 2016
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Ingår i: Nationalities Papers. - : Cambridge University Press (CUP). - 0090-5992 .- 1465-3923. ; 44:4, s. 522-542
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- After the Rose Revolution, President Saakashvili tried to move away from the exclusionary nationalism of the past, which had poisoned relations between Georgians and their Armenian and Azerbaijani compatriots. His government instead sought to foster an inclusionary nationalism, wherein belonging was contingent upon speaking the state language and all Georgian speakers, irrespective of origin, were to be equals. This article examines this nation-building project from a top-down and bottom-up lens. I first argue that state officials took rigorous steps to signal that Georgian-speaking minorities were part of the national fabric, but failed to abolish religious and historical barriers to their inclusion. I next utilize a large-scale, matched-guise experiment (n = 792) to explore if adolescent Georgians ostracize Georgian-speaking minorities or embrace them as their peers. I find that the upcoming generation of Georgians harbor attitudes in line with Saakashvili's language-centered nationalism, and that current Georgian nationalism therefore is more inclusionary than previous research, or Georgia's tumultuous past, would lead us to believe.
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| 6. |
- Blackburn, Matthew, Dr.
(författare)
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Mainstream Russian Nationalism and the “State-Civilization” Identity : Perspectives from Below
- 2021
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Ingår i: Nationalities Papers. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0090-5992 .- 1465-3923. ; 49:1, s. 89-107
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Based on over 100 interviews in European Russia, this paper sheds light on the bottom-up dynamics of Russian nationalism. After offering a characterization of the post-2012 “state-civilization” discourse from above, I examine how ordinary people imagine Russia as a “state-civilization.” Interview narratives of inclusion into the nation are found to overlap with state discourse on three main lines: (1) ethno-nationalism is rejected, and Russia is imagined to be a unique, harmonious multi-ethnic space in which the Russians (russkie) lead without repressing the others; (2) Russia’s multinationalism is remembered in myths of peaceful interactions between Russians (russkie) and indigenous ethnic groups (korennyye narodi) across the imperial and Soviet past; (3) Russian culture and language are perceived as the glue that holds together a unified category of nationhood. Interview narratives on exclusion deviate from state discourse in two key areas: attitudes to the North Caucasus reveal the geopolitical-security, post-imperial aspect of the “state- civilization” identity, while stances toward non-Slavic migrants in city spaces reveal a degree of “cultural nationalism” that, while sharing characteristics with those of Western Europe, is also based on Soviet- framed notions of normality. Overall, the paper contributes to debates on how Soviet legacies and Russia’s post-imperial consciousness play out in the context of the “pro-Putin consensus.”
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| 7. |
- Carlsson, Nina
(författare)
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Boundaries and Belonging Among Settled Minorities and Refugees in Bulgaria
- 2023
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Ingår i: Nationalities Papers. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0090-5992 .- 1465-3923. ; 51:5, s. 1123-1142
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The importance of settled minorities for facilitating refugee belonging is seldom discussed in research on refugee integration. Drawing on scholarship on belonging, boundary-making, and bordering, this study investigates how boundaries are drawn between settled minorities and refugees in Bulgaria. Based on interviews with integration workers and organizations of settled minorities in a state with the largest historically present Muslim minority in the EU, an Arabic-speaking diaspora settled decades ago, and with minimal state involvement in refugee integration, the study shows how spatial, linguistic, and religious boundaries separate settled minorities from newly arrived refugees. Arabic-speaking diasporas are nevertheless witnessed to overcome the boundaries through geographical proximity, a shared language, and shared countries of origin, whereby they have functioned as facilitators of refugee belonging and inclusion. Furthermore, Muslim institutions led by Bulgarian Turks have functioned as spaces for refugee belonging. The study finds that settled minority communities have, despite multiple boundaries and some assimilatory discourses, contributed to refugee belonging in ways that in part has compensated for the state absence. The study calls for further research investigating the role of settled minorities in inclusionary processes in society.
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
- Fittante, Daniel
(författare)
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Institutional Activism and Ethnic Intermediation in Post-Communist Romania
- 2022
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Ingår i: Nationalities Papers. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0090-5992 .- 1465-3923. ; 50:3, s. 554-568
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Existing studies on legal approaches to ethnic minority representation often highlight different systems’strengths and weaknesses. While this scholarship provides important insights into the growing body ofliterature on minority representation, the topic remains largely under-theorized. Because systems of ethnicminority representation clarify the organizations and philosophies of diverse states, more theoreticalanalyses can enrich the descriptive literature. Building on the existing scholarship, this article assessesRomania’s particular version of proportional representation regarding designated national minorities. Itapplies two theoretical models: (1) institutional activism and (2) ethnic intermediation. The former clarifiesthe establishment of Romania’s post-communist constitutional provisions regarding minority organizations, and the latter explains how small yet influential minority populations make claims to and reallocateresources from the Romanian state. Through a unique, understudied case study – the Armenian communityof Romania – this article attempts to broaden ethnic minority representation scholarship by refining thetheoretical frameworks of institutional activism and ethnic intermediation.
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| 10. |
- Frėjutė-Rakauskienė, Monika, et al.
(författare)
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Polish Ethnic Minority in Belarus and Lithuania: Politics, Institutions, and Identities
- 2021
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Ingår i: Nationalities Papers. - : Cambridge University Press (CUP). - 0090-5992 .- 1465-3923. ; 49:6, s. 1132-1149
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article analyzes how institutions influence the process of identity formation within the Polish minority communities in Belarus and Lithuania. We focus on ways that the identities of people who consider themselves Poles in Belarus and Lithuania are targeted by institutions like the state, schools, and nongovernmental organizations. We aim to shed light on how these processes are shaped by institutional settings and broader political contexts. The authors take a bottom-up approach to institutions and look at how members of the Polish communities in the two neighboring countries conceptualize the role of various institutions—NGOs, schools, Karta Polaka (the Polish Card)—to shape their sense of ethnic belonging. The article is built on a cross-case analysis. Data for the Lithuanian and Belarusian cases, consisting of interviews and secondary sources, were collected independently and then reread in light of a common research question. Through our analysis, we show differences and similarities in how analogous institutions function on the two sides of the border and elaborate on the reasons why these differences occur and what role state policy and supranational regulations play in the process.
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