| 1. |
- Adman, Per, 1970-
(författare)
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Does poor health cause political passivity even in a Scandinavian welfare state? : Investigating the impact of self-rated health using Swedish panel data
- 2020
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Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier. - 0261-3794 .- 1873-6890. ; 65
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Poor health is generally believed to cause political passivity. Prior studies that satisfactorily acknowledge the causality problems involved are mainly limited to considering turnout and the U.S.A., so we lack knowledge of how non-electoral participation is affected in other countries. This article considers Sweden, characterized by a generous welfare state and an extensive public health system. Using unique panel data, which allow more thorough analyses of causality, poor health was found to have a negative effect on voting but not on non-electoral participation. By primarily focusing on other countries than Sweden and the U.S.A., it is a task for future longitudinal research to show whether the belief that poor health lead to political passivity is incorrect—or whether Sweden is an exceptional case, due to the barriers to participation being particularly low there.
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| 2. |
- Ahlskog, Rafael
(författare)
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Education and voter turnout revisited : Evidence from a Swedish twin sample with validated turnout data
- 2021
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Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier. - 0261-3794 .- 1873-6890. ; 69
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The association between education and voter turnout is well-established in almost a century of research. The causal status of this correlation, however, is still subject to debate. Results in the previous literature differ substantially, and this may reflect both methodological differences and heterogeneous effects across populations or types of elections. This study addresses the question using a discordant twin design and variance decomposition methods with validated turnout data for both firstand second-order elections in a large sample of Swedish twins, paired with population-wide sibling data. Results show that education does not have an effect on national electoral turnout, but does have an effect on turnout in the European elections. Furthermore, the association between education and turnout is shown to be affected by substantial genetic confounding, which leaves a non-trivial amount of bias even in sibling based designs. This underscores the importance of taking genetic confounding seriously in observational research.
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| 3. |
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| 4. |
- Alexander, Amy C, et al.
(författare)
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Female representation and electoral clientelism: New insights from South African municipal electionss
- 2023
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Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier BV. - 0261-3794. ; 82
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Do citizens experience less electoral clientelism in polities with more elected female representatives? The current literature is remarkably silent on the role of gender and female political representation for electoral clientelism. Due to gender differences in issue priorities, targeted constituent groups, networks and resources, we argue that voters experience less clientelism in municipalities with a higher proportion of female politicians because either female politicians are likely to engage less in clientelism or women are less likely to be viable candidates in more clientelist settings. Through either mechanism, we expect all voters - and female voters in particular - to experience less exposure to clientelism in municipalities with higher female representation. We examine this idea using survey data from the 2016 municipal elections in South Africa - a country with high levels of female representation in politics but increasing problems of corruption and patronage in the political system. Our findings are consistent with the argument that municipalities with more elected female councilors have considerably lower rates of electoral clientelism and that this mostly affects whether female voters are targeted by clientelist distribution. These findings shed new light on how women's representation in elected political office shapes the incidence and use of clientelist distribution during elections.
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| 5. |
- Bauhr, Monika, 1973, et al.
(författare)
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‘It's the quality of government stupid’ explaining patterns in support for far right in the 2022 French presidential election
- 2023
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Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - 0261-3794. ; 84
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- One of the most important transformations of European politics in recent decades is the rapid expansion of the share of population that vote for parties characterized as populist radical right (PRR) parties. This research note suggests that declining quality of government increases support for populist radical right parties. Using the latest rounds of the European Quality of Government Index (EQI) survey data that sampled at the NUTS 2 regional level in France, and exploiting the fact that the French, presidential elections contained the same candidates (Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen) in 2017 and 2022, we show that regions increase their vote share for Le Pen where the quality of government decreases. We also show that this relationship holds at the individual level. Thus, supplying quality, impartial and fair public services seem to stifle demand for nativism, ethnic favoritism and authoritarianism and suppress support for the PRR party agenda.
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| 6. |
- Berg, Linda, 1973, et al.
(författare)
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The Swedish general election 2014
- 2015
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Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier BV. - 0261-3794. ; 38, s. 91-93
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)
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| 7. |
- Broms, Rasmus, 1984
(författare)
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Boxholm tea party: Taxation and voter turnout in a mature democracy
- 2021
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Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier BV. - 0261-3794. ; 71
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The link between taxation and representation is generally considered foundational to the emergence of democratic governance. Nevertheless, the empirical relationship between taxation and the extent to which citizens actually exert representation by turning out to vote remains virtually unexplored. Using a panel of all Swedish municipalities from 1979 to 2018, I find that hikes in local tax rates are linked to increased municipal voter turnout. Accounting for a wide range of confounders, including turnout in concurrent parliamentary- and county elections, these results indicate an important untapped explanation for changes in turnout, while offering a rare explicit test of the taxation-representation argument drawn from a mature democracy.
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| 8. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(författare)
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Accountable or Untouchable? Electoral accountability in Romanian local elections
- 2020
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Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier BV. - 0261-3794. ; 66
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- While retrospective models of voting posit that voters should “vote the rascals out”, a wave of recent research has found that this is rarely the case. We investigate this question in a context in which many sitting politicians have recently been indicted on corruption charges – the municipal level in Romania, a surprisingly under-researched case in this sub-field. Romania provides a good case for electoral accountability. Not only do Romanians deeply detest corruption, the party system also contains many parties that would make it easy for voters to switch from a corrupt to a cleaner alternative. We collected an original data register of electoral and socio-political data on roughly 3200 localities together with all cases of corruption charges published by the Romanian anti-corruption agency, the Direcţia Naţională Anticorupţie (DNA), accounting for magnitude and timing of the scandal as well as the judicial outcome for the indicted mayor. In all, we find that 81 sitting mayors elected in 2012 were charged with corruption prior to the 2016 election. We test the electoral impact of corruption on the incumbent mayors on four outcomes indicating electoral accountability commonly used in the literature – retirement, vote share compared to the previous election, voter turnout, and reelection using difference and difference and a pairwise matching designs, inter alia. The results show that Romanians do punish their corrupt incumbent mayors to a quite high extent compared to the clean mayors. However, due to the large vote margins, the punishment is not severe enough to make them lose more often than similar “clean‟ mayors, although they tend to not run for re-election at much higher rates. Turnout is unaffected by corruption at the municipal level. In line with previous results, we thus find a certain amount of electoral accountability, but not to the extent that the ‘rascals are thrown out’.
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| 9. |
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| 10. |
- Bäck, Hanna, et al.
(författare)
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Elite communication and affective polarization among voters
- 2023
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Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier BV. - 0261-3794 .- 1873-6890. ; 84
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- How does elite communication influence affective polarization between partisan groups? Drawing on the literature on partisan source cues, we expect that communication from in- or outgroup party representatives will increase affective polarization. We argue that polarized social identities are reinforced by partisan source cues, which bias perceptions of elite communication and result in increased intergroup differentiation. Further, we expect that the effect of such source cues is greater for voters with stronger partisan affinities. To evaluate our hypotheses, we performed a survey experiment among about 1300 voters in Sweden. Our analyses show that individuals who received a factual political message with a source cue from an in- or outgroup representative exhibited higher affective polarization, especially when they already held strong partisan affinities. This suggests that political elites can increase affective polarization by reinforcing existing group identities, and that this occurs in conjunction with biased interpretation of elite communication. The results improve our understanding of how political elites can influence affective polarization and add to previous research on party cues and attitude formation by demonstrating that such source cues can also increase intergroup differentiation.
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