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1.
  • Blokland, Rogier, 1971- (författare)
  • Borrowability of pronouns : evidence from Uralic
  • 2012
  • Ingår i: Finnisch-ugrische Mitteilungen. - Hamburg : Buske [= Helmut Buske Verlag]. - 0341-7816. ; 35, s. 1-34
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • In borrowability hierarchies pronouns usually occupy a relatively low position, i.e. they are assumed not to borrowed very often. This is undoubtedly true, and therefore cases where it does occur may be of some interest with regard to the question what can be borrowed, and under what circumstances. Cases of borrowed non-personal pronouns are comparatively common, but personal pronouns are borrowed relatively rarely. Such instances can usually be divided into a number of categories, and they tend to occur mostly in languages where pronouns are open classes, in neighbouring languages with different clusivity strategies, in languages with avoidance styles, and in closely related languages. In a number of Uralic languages cases of borrowed pronouns are also found, though most of these do not come under any of the abovementioned categories. Borrowed personal pronouns occur in Enets, Komi-Zyryan and Komi-Permyak and in Vote. In these languages, however, the reasons for borrowing such pronouns are different: in Enets and Vote it was probably paradigmatic systematicity, whilst in the Komi cases it is most likely due to identity of various pronominal case forms.
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  • Blokland, Rogier, 1971- (författare)
  • Winkler, Eberhard 2011. Udmurtische Grammatik
  • 2013
  • Ingår i: Finnisch-ugrische Mitteilungen. - Hamburg : Buske [= Helmut Buske Verlag]. - 0341-7816. ; 37, s. 283-287
  • Recension (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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6.
  • De Smit, Merlijn (författare)
  • Fishing in troubled waters : on the origin of Finnic saima-stems
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: Finnisch-ugrische Mitteilungen. - 0341-7816. ; 42, s. 33-56
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This paper deals with the etymology of four phonologically identical and semantically related terms in Finnish: Saimaa, the name of a lake; saima, saimasiika, a species of whitefish, saima, saimaverkko, a kind of net, and saima, a kind of boat. Below, I will advance a tentative Indo-Iranian etymology for the hydronym and possibly the fish as well, whereas I believe the word for ‘net’ to be ultimately based on an internal, Finnic instrumental derivation obscured by back-and-forth borrowing between Finnish and Saami. The word for ‘boat’ I will argue to be a borrowing from a Saami term for ‘quant-pole’ which itself is an Indo-Iranian borrowing. In the course of dealing with these terms, I will also suggest a new Baltic etymology for Finnish hämärä ‘dark’ as well as a Indo-European origin for a thinly spread Uralic term for ‘black’.
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7.
  • De Smit, Merlijn (författare)
  • The polypersonal passives of Old Finnish
  • 2011
  • Ingår i: Finnisch-ugrische Mitteilungen. - Hamburg : Helmut Buske Verlag. - 0341-7816. ; :34, s. 51-73
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)
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8.
  • Keevallik, Leelo, 1969- (författare)
  • Internal development and borrowing of pragmatic particles: the Estonian vaata/vat 'look', näed 'you see' and vot.
  • 2008
  • Ingår i: Finnisch-ugrische Mitteilungen. - 0341-7816. ; 30/31, s. 23-54
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The paper compares the pragmatic usage patterns of the Estonian particles vaata/vat ‘look’, näed ‘you see’ and vot in interaction. The two first of these have most probably developed language-internally — the frequent usage of a particular verb form in a specific function has resulted in its grammaticalization as a particle. Näed is predominantly an evidential particle and vaata/vat an explanatory and focusing particle. The particularized forms may be phonologically assimilated or shortened and they do not behave as predicates. No arguments can be attached to them and they have acquired new functions that instead concern text structure and interaction. The Russian loanword vot, on the other hand, has been stigmatized in Estonian linguistics and instead, the literary form vaat has been officially promoted. The present article shows why this is a mistake. The particle vot may occasionally fulfill the same functions as näed and vaata/vat but it also displays completely idiosyncratic interactional functions, such as topic closure and handing over the turn to the interlocutor who can then introduce a new topic or alternatively a closure of the conversation. The nature of these efficacious particles can only be revealed in conversational sequences and for their adequate analysis one has to account for the dynamics of interaction.
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  • Larsson, Lars-Gunnar, 1947- (författare)
  • Der Illativ Singular im Ullisjaure-Samischen
  • 2010
  • Ingår i: Finnisch-ugrische Mitteilungen. - Hamburg : Helmut Buske Verlag. - 0341-7816. ; 2008/2009:32/33, s. 417-424
  • Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • It is well established that the Saami dialects form a chain from South Saami all the way to the East Saami dialects on the Kola peninsula. In this chain the Saami dialect of Ullisjaure has been regarded as belonging to the South Saami dialect group rather than to Ume Saami. Obviously this opinion is due to the lack of gradation in Ullisjaure Saami and to the fact that it is (was) spoken south of the river Ume älven. However, if we take other elements of this dialect into consideration, we arrive at another picture of its status in the dialect chain. In the formation of the illative singular of bisyllabic nouns, the Ullisjaure dialect has developed an ending of its own, -ē, in two stem types. This ending offers a parallel to the development in Proto-Saami and it is based on the Proto-Saami allomorph *-jen, not on *-sen as in South Saami. Consequently, the dialect of Ullisjaure should be regarded as an Ume Saami dialect and reconstructions of the Proto-Saami illative singular ending as first and foremost *-sen could be questioned.
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