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| 2. |
- Bara, Corinne, 1981-, et al.
(författare)
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To Buy a War but Sell the Peace? : Mercenaries and Post-Civil War Stability
- 2022
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Ingår i: Security Studies. - : Taylor & Francis Group. - 0963-6412 .- 1556-1852. ; 31:3, s. 417-445
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Private military and security companies (PMSCs) and mercenaries are a common feature in civil wars, yet little systematic analysis of PMSC involvement and conflict dynamics exists. This article explores whether civil conflicts that feature PMSC forces in combat are more likely to recur. We contend that the presence of PMSCs in fighting exacerbates the postwar credible commitment problem, as belligerents will be concerned about the possibility to redeploy such forces in the future. Belligerents pay more attention to more recent and more visible information, meaning that the effects should be greatest if PMSCs feature extensively in combat and at the end of the conflict. A duration analysis of data from the Private Security Events Database and Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 1990–2014, offers robust support for these claims. Our results suggest that conflict management should consider aspects beyond the local context as risk factors for civil war recurrence.
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| 3. |
- Brosché, Johan, et al.
(författare)
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Conceptualizing Civil War Complexity
- 2023
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Ingår i: Security Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0963-6412 .- 1556-1852. ; 32:1, s. 137-165
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Civil wars that appear to observers to be the most complex—even using a colloquial understanding of the concept—are also those that seem to register the most intense fighting, the most prolonged spells of war, and the most resistance to durable conflict resolution. But what does it really mean for a civil war to be complex? We currently lack a concept of “civil war complexity” that can help us better understand the most important variations in civil wars across time and space. To address this gap we develop a conceptualization of “civil war complexity” consisting of three dimensions—“actor complexity,” “behavior complexity,” and “issue complexity”—and demonstrate how they manifest empirically. We also highlight this conceptualization’s utility—and the danger of overlooking it—through the case of Darfur. This conceptualization paves the way for a new research agenda that explores how civil wars differ in terms of their complexity, the causes and consequences of civil war complexity, and how to refine conflict resolution techniques and strategies.
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| 4. |
- Eck, Kristine, 1978-
(författare)
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Coercion in Rebel Recruitment
- 2014
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Ingår i: Security Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0963-6412 .- 1556-1852. ; 23:2, s. 364-398
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Previous research on rebel recruitment has focused on the economic and social incentives groups use as enticements, but has overlooked the question of why many armed groups recruit using coercion. The puzzle is why coercion occurs despite alienating civilian populations and being costly in terms of organizational and military effectiveness. I argue that recruitment is a dynamic process and that groups are likely to shift recruitment strategies depending on the exigencies of the conflict. The study tests this argument by examining whether rebels are more likely to employ coercion after suffering losses on the battlefield. Using unique microlevel new data on the conflict in Nepal, the results show that the argument is supported: the more rebel fatalities on the battlefield, the more likely are rebels to employ coercion.
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| 5. |
- Lilja, Jannie, et al.
(författare)
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Intraethnic Dominance and Control : Violence Against Co-Ethnics in the Early Sri Lankan Civil War
- 2011
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Ingår i: Security Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0963-6412 .- 1556-1852. ; 20:2, s. 171-197
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In some ethno-separatist wars, rebel groups direct a large share of violence against members of their own ethnic community. But why do rebels target the co-ethnics they claim to represent in the war against the government? Our aim in this paper is to provide the components for a conceptual framework that we assess using unique disaggregated casualty data on violence committed by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam against co-ethnic Tamils in territories claimed for the Tamil Eelam state in the early phase of the Sri Lankan conflict, 1985-88. We propose that there are two distinct processes of intraethnic violence: violence against co-ethnic civilians and violence against co-ethnic rivals. While the former aims at controlling the population to win the war against the government, the latter aims at establishing leadership dominance over the ethnic minority. We examine the role of ethnic homogeneity in shaping the use of violence directed against the two types of co-ethnic targets in the buildup phase of ethno-separatist war. We conclude that ethnic demographic structures matter for how the rebels treat co-ethnics in the early phase of war before they have established territorial control.
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| 6. |
- Ruffa, Chiara, et al.
(författare)
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Fighting and Helping? : A Historical-Institutionalist Explanation of NGO-Military Relations
- 2014
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Ingår i: Security Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0963-6412 .- 1556-1852. ; 23:3, s. 582-621
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In complex humanitarian emergencies, why are NGO-military relations cooperative in some cases, yet deeply conflictual in others? Drawing on historical-institutionalist theoretical insights, we argue that NGOs and military organizations are embedded in, and responding to, domestic institutional configurations that define a set of political incentives and constraints, material and normative, which structures and influences the characteristics and outcomes of their relations. Counterarguments suggest that organizational differences and the nature of their missions affect NGO-military relations. Using fresh empirical evidence we assess these arguments by comparing the Italian and the French experiences of NGO-military relations during the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghanistan and the UN mission in Lebanon (UNIFIL II) between 2007 and 2011. We find that domestic institutional configurations are not left behind when NGOs and military units deploy abroad. Rather, they shape NGOs' and militaries' capacity to work together instead of at cross purposes and ultimately influence the success of international action.
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| 7. |
- Ruffa, Chiara, et al.
(författare)
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Fighting and Helping? The Domestic Politics of NGO-Military Relations in Complex Humanitarian Emergencies
- 2014
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Ingår i: Security Studies. - Philadelphia : Routledge. - 0963-6412 .- 1556-1852. ; 23:3, s. 582-621
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In complex humanitarian emergencies, why are NGO-military relations cooperative in some cases, yet deeply conflictual in others? Drawing on historical-institutionalist theoretical insights, we argue that NGOs and military organizations are embedded in, and responding to, domestic institutional configurations that define a set of political incentives and constraints, material and normative, which structures and influences the characteristics and outcomes of their relations. Counterarguments suggest that organizational differences and the nature of their missions affect NGO-military relations. Using fresh empirical evidence we assess these arguments by comparing the Italian and the French experiences of NGO-military relations during the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghanistan and the UN mission in Lebanon (UNIFIL II) between 2007 and 2011.We find that domestic institutional configurations are not left behind when NGOs and military units deploy abroad. Rather, they shape NGOs' and militaries' capacity to work together instead of at cross purposes and ultimately influence the success of international action.
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| 8. |
- Ruffa, Chiara, 1982-
(författare)
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Military Cultures and Force Employment in Peace Operations
- 2017
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Ingår i: Security Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0963-6412 .- 1556-1852. ; 26:3, s. 391-422
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Although hundreds of thousands of soldiers from different national contingents are deployed every year in multinational peace operations, no previous study has examined differences in peacekeeping practices along national lines. This paper first documents systematically differences in the way national contingents behave during peace operations in their respective area of operation. In a second step, it argues that these differences in behavior are largely consistent with the most important traits of each army's military culture. Based on extensive fieldwork conducted between 2007 and 2014 in Lebanon and Afghanistan, the paper shows how, within each mission, Italian soldiers prioritized humanitarian activities, while the French engaged in more patrolling activities, despite being both contingents deployed under similar conditions. These variations in behavior are consistent with the way French and Italian soldiers perceive the mission and context in which they deployed. And both the differences in behavior and perception are in line with the respective armies' military cultures. This paper contributes to the debate on the role of ideational factors in international politics and in particular to the ongoing discussion on strategic and military cultures.
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| 9. |
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| 10. |
- Siniciato Terra Garbino, Henrique
(författare)
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Rebels against mines? Legitimacy and restraint on landmine use in the Philippines
- 2023
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Ingår i: Security Studies. - 0963-6412 .- 1556-1852. ; 32:3, s. 505-536
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Rebels have become the most prolific users of landmines but still display significant variation in how they employ and restrict the weapon’s use. This article argues that how rebels exercise restraint on landmine use depends on which audiences they rely on most. In a comparative case study of three Philippine rebel groups—the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, the Abu Sayyaf Group, and the New People’s Army—this article highlights three main findings. First, rebels reliant on voluntary compliance from local communities are more likely to limit the effects of landmines on their perceived constituency. Second, when rebels have conciliatory relations with the government, they are more likely to comply with national law, reciprocate government behavior, and limit the effects of landmines on the government’s constituents. Finally, rebels seeking legitimacy from human-rights-conscious foreign sponsors are more likely to comply with international law related to landmine use.
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