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- Andersson, Lars M., et al.
(författare)
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Sverigedemokraternas valfilm förvanskar historien
- 2018
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Ingår i: Dagens Nyheter, 7 augusti 2018. - 1101-2447.
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- Ingress: Den koppling som görs mellan socialdemokratisk och nazitysk politik i filmen ”Ett folk, ett parti” saknar vetenskaplig grund, skriver åtta svenska forskare.
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| 2. |
- Bergman, Johan, 1973-
(författare)
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Kulturfolk eller folkkultur? : 1968, kulturarbetarna och demokratin
- 2010
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Cultural folk or folk culture? 1968, cultural workers and democracy. In the early 1960’s it became clear that although Swedish citizens had experienced an overall increase in material well-being and political democracy, there were still severe shortages in terms of cultural democracy. The radicalisation of the 1960’s meant that students and leftist artists were to play an important part in attempts to rectify this — both as idea-bearers and policy-makers. Using the debates of cultural democracy as a starting point, this thesis focuses on how leftist radical “cultural workers” aimed at democratising culture during the 1960’s and the 1970’s. Demands were raised for a fundamental shift in focus from the context of cultural production (and, accordingly, the producers) to cultural consumption and the consumers. The study follows a cultural democratic tendency that expanded from established theatre institutions during the 1960’s over to the radical so-called “free” theatre groups, the progressive music movement and the textile collectives of the 1970’s. By comparing three organisations within the fields of theatre, music and textile respectively, both general and specific conditions and dilemmas that characterised these branches are analysed. The democratisation of culture during the 1970’s led to processes of professionalisation and politicisation. In these developments, authoritative criteria for what constituted “true” art were called upon. These measures can be understood both as a consequence of the actors’ ambition to reduce competition that resulted from producing culture on a market, but also as a way of gaining cultural status. Despite various revolutions within different cultural areas the agents agreed on one thing; the absolute right of an autonomous cultural field to exist. This meant that the battle of defining “true art” was about something real and precisely therefore a battle worth fighting.
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| 5. |
- Byström, Mikael, 1963-
(författare)
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En broder, gäst och parasit : Uppfattningar och föreställningar om utlänningar, flyktingar och flyktingpolitik i svensk offentlig debatt 1942-1947
- 2006
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Earlier studies have proposed that Swedish refugee policy started to change around 1942, when a restrictive refugee policy became more generous and humanitarian. From a quantitative point of view this statement is true: there were about ten thousand refugees in 1941, compared to almost two hundred thousand by the end of the war. However, this does not tell us whether the well-known discourses of Swedish inter-war anti-Semitism, nationalism and xenophobia underwent the same changes. The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the public debate concerning foreigners, refugees and refugee policy in 1942–1947.The dissertation puts forward the hypothesis of The Nordic prerogative. In brief, this prerogative meant that Sweden primarily held itself obliged to accept ethnical Northeners as refugees, and looked upon this obligation as more important than other considerations, such as the refugee’s ideological views, need of protection or humanitarian needs. Symptomatically, the groups which could not be entirely encompassed within the idea of a Nordic prerogative, particularly the Balts and the Danish Jews, were perceived as the most problematical refugee groups, both on a general level of the debates, and in specific issues.The idea of a Nordic prerogative did not derive from a sense of ethnical fraternity and humanitarian considerations alone, however. Several undertakings were also brought about by pragmatic considerations. Sweden sought goodwill, and reception of refugees was seen as one way of winning it.The dissertation also shows that the idea of a Nordic prerogative seems to become less important when the refugee comes closer to the everyday life of Sweden, where the Nordic refugees too were referred to as ”foreigners”, ”aliens” etc. As such, they had to put up with being spoken of in negatively loaded expressions, in the same way as other foreigners.
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| 7. |
- Eriksson, Lena
(författare)
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Arbete till varje pris : Arbetslinjen i 1920-talets arbetslöshetspolitik
- 2004
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- When Sweden was hit by the massunemployment of the 1920s the preferred way of distributing the help to the unemployed was to engage them in publicly financed and run relief works. This dissertation investigates why the work approach made such a strong imprint on the Swedish unemployment policy. It also analyses why the work approach, viewed as a social political measure, to understand how it structured national, local and individual conditions. In previous research there has been a tendancy to treat the work approach as the only natural way to handle unemployment. A comparison with the British case has shown that there clearly existed other ways of dealing with the problem of unemployment, and hence that the work approach should be viewed as a deliberate chiose. The study has also shown that existing institutional arrangements do not in any binding way stake out the course for future policies, and that the conditions for adopting the work approach was not any more favourable in Sweden than in Britain. The explanation suggested here is that the unemployed was looked upon with greater mistrust in Sweden than in Britain. The study shows that the work approach was designed to enforce norms and values connected to work ethics, self-support and gender. To enforce the norm of self-support it both discouraged people from seeking help, with low wges and strict conditions, and by putting them to work if they did. To enforce the norm of the male breadwinner the relief jobs were reserved mainly for male breadwinners, and women were excluded from the eligibility to appaly for unemployment support. In spite of the National Unemployment Commission's rather stron hold over the work approach, much of the implementation was left to the local authorities. This rendered them a certain amount of freedom of action, which put them in a difficult position. The local authorities had to balance long term economic goals and short term immediate needs, they had to carefully weigh the interests of different preassure groups against national, local and individual interests. Despite the powers of the Commission it was very much up to each local council to decide what the experiences of the unemployed would be. People were, by the unemployment authorities, assigned to three main categories: unemployed deemed undeserving, those on cash support and the relief workers. Creating different categories meant that the unemployed were split up, and made it very difficult to organise the unemployed to a powerful opponent to the authorities. The dissertation has shown that the social dimension is important in addition to the economical and political if you want to understand the choice and effekts of the work approach. It has also shown that it was a choice made in spite of prevailing conditions. Finally it suggests that the creation of the work approach was the really ground breaking move in the unemployment policies of the inter.war period, and that the "new" policy of the 1930s, with relief salaries paid according to negotiated rates, was rather a minor revision of the existing polcy. The main reason for the relief works in 1930s, as well as in teh 1920s, was to test the willingness to work. the aim of the work approach was to get the unemployed to take a job at any cost, and the primary method to achieve thi goal was to put the unemployed to work - at any cost.
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- Langkjaer, Jenny, 1978-
(författare)
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Övervakning för rikets säkerhet : Svensk säkerhetspolisiär övervakning av utländska personer och inhemsk politisk aktivitet, 1885–1922
- 2011
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- During the 19th century the European states experienced a new kind of threat to their existence. The military threats from other countries were now accompanied by civilian threats that inspired mass protest, terrorism and other menaces to the established order. In Sweden, these threats were mainly seen as connected to the rising labor movement and to a growing number of foreign citizens.The aim of the dissertation is to examine surveillance for national security carried out by the Stockholm Criminal Investigation Department and its Police Bureau between 1885 and 1922. Apart from examining what specific surveillance methods that were used, the dissertation gives an answer to the question why the surveillance was carried out, and why it was carried out the way it was. It also discusses how differences and similarities between the surveillance in Sweden and other countries can be explained and how the surveillance between 1885 and 1922 relates to the corresponding activities during the latter part of the 20th century.The main conclusions are that there was a lack of formal rules regulating the surveillance, and that it therefore was based on the following of routines. The bureaucratization process that characterized the period influenced the surveillance, which came to be performed as a bureaucratic machine, characterized by a tendency of expansion. This meant that the surveillance activities were constantly expanded and became more and more extensive. The expansion is connected to the surveillance phenomenon, which could be said to have an unlimited scope. Furthermore, it is suggested that this specific historic legacy has affected the development of Swedish security police activity during the second half of the 20th century.
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