| 1. |
- Adamson, Göran, 1963-
(författare)
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De gode viljers land : En venstrefløjskritik af multikulturalismen som svensk statsideologi
- 2018
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Bok (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- Multikulturalisme ses af mange som progressiv og venstreorienteret, og kritikken af den betragtes som reaktionær og racistisk. Denne bog udfordrer denne tankegang og viser – fra et venstrefløjsperspektiv – hvordan den moderne mangfoldighedstankegang tværtimod undergraver fornuft, frihed, lighed og individuel selvbestemmelse. Ved at have et særligt fokus på sær-identiteter og indføre grupperettigheder på bekostning af universel politisk frihed, borgerrettigheder, upartiske institutioner og lighed mellem kønnene er den på kollisionskurs med demokratiets grundværdier. Multikulturalisme er derfor i virkeligheden en konservativ og antimoderne ideologi.
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| 2. |
- Adamson, Göran, 1963-, et al.
(författare)
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Inledning
- 2018
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Ingår i: Kejsarens nya kläder. - : Academic Rights Watch. - 9789198482003 ; , s. 9-22
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Bokkapitel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 3. |
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| 4. |
- Adamson, Göran, 1963-
(författare)
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Migrants and Crime in Sweden in the Twenty-First Century
- 2020
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Ingår i: Society. - : Springer. - 0147-2011 .- 1936-4725. ; 57:1, s. 9-21
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In 2005, the Swedish Crime Prevention Agency published a report about the link between immigration and crime. Since then, no comprehensive study has been conducted even though Sweden has experienced a large influx of migrants in combination with a rising crime rate. This study conducted by Goran Adamson and Tino Sanandaji is the first purely descriptive scientific investigation on the matter in fifteen years. The investigation (from 2002 to 2017) covers seven distinct categories of crime, and distinguishes between seven regions of origin. Based on 33 per cent of the population (2017), 58 per cent of those suspect for total crime on reasonable grounds are migrants. Regarding murder, manslaughter and attempted murder, the figures are 73 per cent, while the proportion of robbery is 70 per cent. Non-registered migrants are linked to about 13 per cent of total crime. Given the fact that this group is small, crime propensity among non-registered migrants is significant.
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| 5. |
- Adamson, Göran, 1963-
(författare)
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Multikulturen och högerpopulismen
- 2016
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Ingår i: Kvartal.
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- Den multikulturella vänstern har brutit med klassiska vänsterideal som vetenskap, sekularism, anspråk på sanning och fri debatt. Den förkastar högerns nationalism men odlar en etnomystik som är minst lika konservativ. Kulturell självbelåtenhet hånas och hyllas på samma gång. Var finns principen?...
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| 6. |
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| 7. |
- Adamson, Göran, 1963-
(författare)
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Populist parties and the failure of the political elites : the rise of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ)
- 2016
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Bok (refereegranskat)abstract
- The author analyses the reasons behind the electoral success of European right-wing populist parties. Using the Austrian Freedom Party under Jörg Haider as a case study and with a richness of primary material, he argues that their success is only partly caused by "racism". It is also, and more prominently, the result of populism – i.e. a critique of the "elite". These parties and their voters should not, then, be labelled as arrogant insiders attacking downtrodden outsiders like immigrants, workers, and minorities. Instead, the right-wingers are more justly portrayed as outsiders and underdogs, raising their anger and frustration against the insiders: the "media elite" and the "leftists and the artists".
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
- Adamson, Göran, 1963-
(författare)
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Was National Socialism Anti-Sex? : On Left-Wing Fantasies and Sex as the Dark Matter of Politics
- 2017
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Ingår i: Society. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 0147-2011 .- 1936-4725. ; 54:1, s. 23-28
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Drawing on an extensive amount of work by other researchers, as well as some literary sources from the time, Goran Adamson discusses the widespread view that Nazism was anti-sex. Indeed, during Nazi rule homosexuality and street prostitution were persecuted, and Jews and “degenerates” were prevented from having sex (not merely by law, but by elimination). However, reported circumstances such as cheap access to condoms, a high number of pregnancies during party rallies, and quasi-religious cultivation of “the Germanic sexual instinct” would suggest that matters may have been much less restrictive for the majority of Germans. The idea of an overall Nazi anti-sex attitude may well have been constructed by intellectuals from the Freudian Left/Frankfurt School, especially their theories of an intimate connection between sexual repression and authoritarianism. Such views gained widespread popularity with the 68’ generation, and they were an essential reason why sexuality came to be considered the cure for all social evils. This overestimation of the significance of sexual liberation, and recent conservative reactions to it, constitute an important part of today’s political landscape.
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| 10. |
- Adamson, Göran, 1963-
(författare)
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Why Do Right-Wing Populist Parties Prosper? : Twenty-One Suggestions to the Anti-Racist
- 2019
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Ingår i: Society. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 0147-2011 .- 1936-4725. ; 56:1, s. 47-58
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this piece, Goran Adamson argues that the anti-racist rhetoric is naive and dangerously counter-productive. In theory, they refer to populist parties fueling on the anti-racist elite’s outcries. In practise, however, the anti-racists have forgotten all about it, and seem to believe that right-wing populism will vanish if only it is told off. Shocked, anti-racists say populist parties gain voters despite having certain views. But nobody votes on a party despite its view. True to leftist sensationalism, anti-racists always talk about fascism within right-wing populist parties, thereby overlooking a wide array of other causes for voter appeal. Prone to instant aggression, anti-racists react with fury to any populist provocation, thereby contributing to the meteoric rise of contemporary populism in the West. Instead of conducting a proper analysis, anti-racists say how can people vote on these parties and so on - much like an anti-racist bourgeoisie. Anti-racists, Goran Adamson claims, seem to think knowledge of right-wing populism is compromising, as if you would be tainted by it. In fact, it is the other way around. Criticism requires knowledge - and an ignorant anti-racist might, in the long run, have no power to resist the allure of right-wing populism. People vote on right-wing populist parties, anti-racists maintain, because these people fail to understand. But they claim they do, even though they have reached other conclusions. The responsibility of the financial and political classes for provoking popular reactions is minimized, while the distress among ordinary people is belittled or moralized. The political class ignores a central leftist principle: social behavior has often political/economic explanations. As a direct result of multiculturalism, the pet theory among anti-racists, society’s underprivileged groups - domestic workers and migrants - are in constant conflict instead of uniting against globalization and neoliberal deregulation. This is called divide and rule. In their quest for ideological purity, any anti-EU sentiment, anti-racists claim, is right-wing extreme, hence driving scores of voters into the arms of right-wing populism. These parties are further boosted by the fact that anti-racists sneer at family values and cultural traditionalism. Vocal victims of EU’s austerity measures are dismissed as right-wingers, further fueling political polarization. Popular and populist, anti-racists maintain, is basically the same thing. As a result, democracy becomes politically tainted, and the anti-racist elites are the only safe-guard against unaccountable elites. Right-wing populists never cease to talk about our roots, while multiculturalists never stop talking about roots overseas. Save for that geographic detail, they are two branches of the politicalromantic tree. Right-wing populist parties prosper, but not despite anti-racist efforts, Goran Adamson argues, but as a result of them.
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