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- Asztalos Morell, Ildikó, 1958-
(författare)
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Carework in Hungarian entrepreneurial families during the post-socialist transition
- 2008
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Ingår i: Rural development studies (detta är en bokserie). ; 13, s. 57-82
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Recension (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- During the post-socialist transition the state socialist welfare institutions (Asztalos Morell, 1999) came under serious challenges. These were related to monetary pressures from international banking institutions (World Bank) and led to serious cutbacks in 1995 affecting even such key social citizenship rights as the three year paid childcare allowance introduced in 1967. The allowance was rooted in the Hungarian welfare regime system, which built on a compromise between state policies for women’s emancipation assuming an excessive state responsibility for reproduction (economic and institutional) and patriarchy, i.e. men’s freedom from performing key reproductive duties. This compromise led, beside others, to women’s increased economic role in the families and the stabilisation of the dual earner family model. Capitalist transition transformed not only the production base of the country but even the conditions for state policies. While both traditionalist, Christian as well as liberal political ideologies gained foothold in post-socialist Hungary, neither of these proved to be strong enough to deconstruct the key elements of the above compromise. Meanwhile, the fundamental transitions in the economy destabilised established patterns of wage earning. This however contributed to a continued importance of women’s income earner capacity and so the maintenance of the dual earner model. The paper is to investigate in the case of rural Hungarian entrepreneur families, which reproductive strategies evolved in the process of launching family enterprises. These families, typically in their reproductive life cycle (raising small and school children), face the demands for extensive capital accumulation, which is the precondition for the survival of the enterprise under the pressures from a globalised economic market. This demand strengthens the necessity for economic collaboration between family members and puts demands on women’s economic contribution. The paper analyses, on the basis of 30 interviews, the reproductive strategies of three types of family farms: farms with only self employed members who have only agricultural activities, those who have also none-agricultural activities and farm families with one wage earner. The paper analyses the way families combine the institutions of prevailing redistributive (state welfare) frameworks, family, reciprocal and market alternatives in their daily reproductive strategies and the ways these strategies follow a gendered pattern.
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- Asztalos Morell, Ildikó, 1958-
(författare)
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Contestations of the Swedish Deportation Regime : Civil Mobilisation for and with Afghan Youth
- 2018
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Ingår i: Refugee Protection and Civil Society in Europe. - London : Palgrave Macmillan. - 9783319927411 ; , s. 319-351
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Sweden was the country within the EU that received the highest number of unaccompanied asylum-seeking children (UASC) and youth in relation to the country’s population during 2015. Out of the 162,877 asylum-seekers arrived during 2015, half were children and half of the children (35,369) arrived unaccompanied. UASC possess special rights as children during the asylum process. Whereas their asylum grounds are assessed by the Migration Agency, the minors’ everyday whereabouts are under the responsibility of municipalities. Being a minor gives access to preferential treatment and rights compared to adult asylum seekers, both in terms of access to municipal services, such as healthcare, schools, housing, social support, and in terms of considerations of asylum grounds leading to residency in Sweden.However, from 2016, austerity measures were put in place that, combined with an intensified and long-running securitisation of migration management, had serious consequences for these children and youth. Among the most imperative developments, there has been an increased suspicion of UASC’s self-declared age in the asylum process, combined with a medicalisation of age determination. The “writing up” of minors’ age has increased, thereby commonly leading to the rejection of UASC’s asylum claims and a deportation order. Due to a long processing time at the Migration Agency and in the Swedish migration courts, many youths have also turned 18 during their wait for a final case decision.In reponse to these developments, protests have been organised and Sweden has seen a growing civil societal engagement on behalf of and together with UASC. This chapter explores civil societal engagement, both by and on behalf of unaccompanied asylum-seeking children (UASC) of Afghan origin in Sweden. It focuses on the period starting after 2015, and proceeds through an analysis of the Facebook site: “Stoppa utvisningarna av afghanska ungdomar!” [Stop the deportation of Afghan youths!] [Stop deportations]. This site, initiated in the fall of 2016 quickly gathered 20,000 supporters, brought together youth from Afghanistan and Swedish civilians engaged in demanding better asylum procedures for asylum-seeking youth from Afghanistan. This paper will focus on the interconnections between civil society mobilisation and UASC mobilisation around the struggles concerning1 I am thankful to Anna Lundberg, whose comments and suggestions on relevant theoretical frameworks have greatly contributed to the improvement of this text. I am also thankful to the editors of this book who have contributed with insightful comments to develop this text. Ingrid Eckerman, the initiator of the facebook site “Stoppa utvisningar!” has commented on a version of this text and contributed with valuable additional aspects, which were incorporated into this version, for which I am thankful.1securitisation, anti-deportation and amnesty2. It will particularly examine how mobilisation based on different types of agencies were mediated through social media.To start with the paper sheds light on the emergence of social movements in Sweden. Secondly, it explores how the theoretical frameworks of “pragmatic voluntarism” and “subversive humanitarianism” contribute to problematise pro-refugee movements and how pro-refugee movements could be understood as struggles for reconfiguring hegemonic perceptions of refugees. Thirdly, it discusses the way how narrative analysis contributes to understand of these reconfigurative processes. Finally, following a brief reflection on the origins and activities of the site, the article explores the activities on this site as expressions of positions ranging from “pragmatic voluntarism” to “subversive humanitarianism”. It explores also the kind of alternative subjectivities they offer for UASC, and the kind of space they create between “exclusion” and “inclusion”.
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- Asztalos Morell, Ildikó, 1958-, et al.
(författare)
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Gendering Postsocialism : Old Legacies New Hierarchies
- 2018
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Bok (refereegranskat)abstract
- When the Berlin Wall fell in November 1989 and when, two years later, the Soviet Union crumbled and was divided into 15 independent states, the huge space formerly called the Communist Bloc or the countries of state socialism seemed to disappear forever, and an unprecedented process of change began. This process was just as unique from a historical perspective as the earlier attempts to build communism and/or state socialism. The changes had different speeds and directions, and while some states embraced the process of democratisation in order to “return to Europe”, others were experimenting with the ideals of a strong authoritarian state, religion, and a “return to tradition” to build a new society. Now, however, nearly 30 years later, the different countries of this huge geographical space often continue to be addressed according to their common past, or as countries still in a state of transition or transformation from their previous condition – as postsocialist. In some cases the communist past seems to have been totally overcome, and these countries are recognized as European and democratic states with well-functioning market economies (as in the case of many countries that have joined the European Union). However, their position in the formerly socialist space can suddenly be remembered in exceptional circumstances, like during the refugee crisis of 2015 (Dalakoglou, 2016). In other cases, the changes do not seem to be thorough due to the emergence of authoritarian regimes and corruption. Thus, the states that have experienced slower changes are more frequently referred to through their past as “formerly” or “post” socialist. In deference to these temporal interpretations, following Madina Tlostanova, we approach postsocialism not only in temporal terms, but also in spatial terms – as a space populated by millions of people whose experience is “underconceptualized” in the analysis of globalisation (Tlostanova, 2017, pp. 1-3). In choosing to analyse postsocialism as a “critical standpoint” in order to avoid the essencialisation of the region (Stella, 2015, p.133), we consider it important to explore gendered changes focusing on institutions, discourses, memories, identities, and fantasies that in one way or another connect to this postsocialist condition. Although taking place in varied shapes and degrees, the dismantlement of state socialism and the emergence of “capitalism” in the former state socialist countries led to radical shifts in their economies as well as in the welfare state’s involvement in social citizenship. Gender relations were a key arena for the moulding of state-socialist citizenship where institutions, guarding women’s reproductive rights as well as their work opportunities, were raised to create the ideal socialist citizen. Gender norms and gender relations have also been a prime field for forming the postsocialist citizen. While we assume that the bondage between economic regimes and gender norms is not deterministic (Asztalos Morell, 1999), the contributions to this book further explore the connectivity between gender and economy without assuming reductionist causality or restricting the sphere of gender norms to the sphere of economic importance. Thus, the main aim of this book is to explore changing gendered norms and expectations in relation to the postsocialist transformation in Eastern Europe and Eurasia. We explore how the gendered legacies of state socialism are entangled with the geopolitical re-orientation of the region and the simultaneity of socio-economic, political, and cultural changes in this geographical space. How are gender expectations shaped in the conflict between impulses towards more gender equality versus the re-naturalisation/re-traditionalisation of gender norms, and how are the new gender norms entangled with the neoliberal economic demands, precarities, “multifaceted injustice” (Suchland, 2015, p. 188), new forms of socio-economic differentiation, and insecurities?How can the analysis of gender norms and expectations in the space of former state socialism contribute to a study of global developments in gender relationships?
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- Asztalos Morell, Ildikó, 1958-
(författare)
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“I do not understand how I became a farmer” : The small-peasant path to family farm enterprise in post-socialist rural Hungary
- 2014
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Ingår i: Development Studies Research. - Abingdon, Oxfordshire : Routledge. - 2166-5095. ; 1:1, s. 88-99
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Family farm enterprises emerged in the transition to capitalism following the reprivatization and decollectivization of agriculture in Hungary. This paper explores the generative processes of capital accumulation. It focuses on the intergenerational transfer as well as the life time generation of material and immaterial resources that were mobilized for the creation of the family farm enterprise. The life stories of six family members belonging to three generations of a successful enterprise of low peasant origin were selected from fieldwork conducted between 2000 and 2007 exploring the specificities of the genesis of farms with small peasant roots. Immaterial capital assets were the most important for the expanded reproduction of the farm, while reprivatized land had mostly symbolic importance. The farm relied on traditional peasant cultural heritage, such as striving for autonomy, self-sacrificing work mentality and traditional forms of bonding social capital, in the form of kin and local community reciprocal work relations. Meanwhile, the farm needed nontraditional cultural capital, such as entrepreneurial mentality and bridging social capital to find suitable markets for the products. These later emerged through education, by learning from experience, establishing trust relationships and with the help of mentors.
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- Asztalos Morell, Ildikó, 1958-, et al.
(författare)
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Inledning
- 2013
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Ingår i: Bilden av ingenjören. - Stockholm : Carlsson Bokförlag. - 978 91 7331 580 7 ; , s. 7-13
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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