| 1. |
- Bellamy, Richard, et al.
(författare)
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The Democratic Production of Politcal Cohesion : Partisanship, Institutional Design and Lifeform
- 2019
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Ingår i: Contemporary Political Theory. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1470-8914 .- 1476-9336. ; 18:2, s. 282-310
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- What binds a democratic society together? This would seem a well-rehearsed topic in modern political theory, but on closer scrutiny, it may appear less so. If we reformulate the question, it may become clearer why: what binds democratic society together? The emphasis on ‘democratic’ is the clue here. Much recent discussion on the cohesive force in democracies has been parasitic on other debates, such as that between cosmopolitans and communitarians on justice as the first virtue of society; that between nation-state-based and post-national views of contemporary politics or that about the cultural aspects of democratic citizenship as the glue that makes democracy work. All such views and debates tend to assume a somewhat ‘externalist’ perspective, so to speak, of the problem of cohesion in democracies. Cosmopolitans and liberal communitarians have argued over the relative importance of values and identity as the basis for the stability of a just society, whose legitimate political arrangements they generally agree must be democratic, so as to reflect the demands of equality and self-government. Disputes over whether the institutions of democracy still require the background conditions provided by the nation-state, with its consolidated networks of party system, solidarity, civil society organisations and public opinion formation, or whether similar conditions can be reproduced at a more trans- and post-national level, are very similar in scope to those between cosmopolitans and liberal communitarians. Both these disputes concern the social, institutional, ideal or identitarian pre-conditions of democracy, which help it to work with a modicum of stability, in so far as they guarantee the political cohesion of either the demos or the regime itself. Discussions over the quality and competence of citizenship look at democratic culture as an important condition for democratic institutions and procedures to function smoothly and effectively. Debates over the ‘civic culture’ in the 1960s and more recently on ‘social capital’ lay emphasis on a mixture of attitudes, practices, participation in associational networks and consolidated norms of sociability as formative components of democratic citizenship, on which the working of democratic institutions and rules depends. This suggests something more internal, or at least a virtuous circle between the culture and the institutions of democracy. But is democracy itself capable of producing political cohesion, and on what basis?
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| 2. |
- Bonotti, Matteo, et al.
(författare)
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Introduction : Linguistic justice, migration and the nation-state
- 2022
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Ingår i: Nations and Nationalism. - : John Wiley & Sons. - 1354-5078 .- 1469-8129. ; 28:2, s. 379-386
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article provides an introduction to the themed section "Linguistic Justice, Migration and the Nation-State." First, it illustrates the rationale for the themed section by examining the relationship between language, migration and the nation-state. It argues that accounts of linguistic justice that fail to incorporate, discuss and understand the language interests of migrants, and the potential tensions that may emerge between migrants' linguistic rights and duties, and between their linguistic rights and those of autochthonous groups, are likely to become obsolete in an increasingly mobile world. Second, it provides an overview of the articles in the themed section. And, finally, it highlights four specific areas of inquiry that should deserve greater attention in future scholarship.
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| 3. |
- Bonotti, Matteo, et al.
(författare)
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Introduction : Linguistic justice, migration and the nation‐state
- 2022
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Ingår i: Nations and Nationalism. - : John Wiley & Sons. - 1354-5078 .- 1469-8129. ; 28:2, s. 379-386
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article provides an introduction to the themed section “Linguistic Justice, Migration and the Nation-State.” First, it illustrates the rationale for the themed section by examining the relationship between language, migration and the nation-state. It argues that accounts of linguistic justice that fail to incorporate, discuss and understand the language interests of migrants, and the potential tensions that may emerge between migrants' linguistic rights and duties, and between their linguistic rights and those of autochthonous groups, are likely to become obsolete in an increasingly mobile world. Second, it provides an overview of the articles in the themed section. And, finally, it highlights four specific areas of inquiry that should deserve greater attention in future scholarship.
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| 4. |
- Malkopoulou, Anthoula, et al.
(författare)
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More Representation, Less Radicalism : How Compulsory Voting Was Defended in Europe
- 2021
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Ingår i: A Century of Compulsory Voting in Australia : Genesis, Impact and Future - Genesis, Impact and Future. - Singapore : Springer Singapore. - 9789813340251 ; , s. 213-233
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This chapter examines how the practice of compulsory voting was debated in Belgium and France at the turn of the twentieth century. Two principal arguments in favour of compulsory voting stand out. One builds on the concept of ‘true’, ‘exact’ and ‘mirror’ representation. Abstention, it is argued, creates a ‘false’ and ‘corrupt’ image of majority will; by summoning all voters, parliaments will be more representative, election results more credible, and democracies more legitimate. The second argument is that compulsory voting brings out the moderate vote. Radicals tend to either boycott elections or obsess about them. By contrast, abstainers are thought to be less passionate about voting, thus less radical in their views. Compulsory voting will prevent ‘turbulent minorities’ from being overrepresented and more influential than they deserve. As well as justifying compulsory voting historically, these arguments can also provide valuable conceptual resources for thinking about ways of countering the crisis of contemporary democracies.
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