| 1. |
- Fröding, Karin, 1974-
(författare)
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Public health, neighbourhood development and participation : research and practice in four Swedish partnership cities
- 2011
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Det finns betydande skillnader i hälsa beroende på utbildning, socioekonomisk status, etnicitet, ålder och kön och det har konsekvenser för människors livslängd, livskvalitet och hälsa. Ojämlikheter i hälsa blir särskilt tydliga när man jämför olika geografiska områden, där vissa områden har hög koncentration av fattiga och socialt utslagna människor med dålig hälsa, arbetslöshet och låg utbildning. Att vidta åtgärder mot de utbredda hälsoskillnader som finns mellan människor med vitt skilda förutsättningar är en viktig utmaning för hälsofrämjande arbete. En strategi för att minska skillnader i hälsa mellan människor är att arbeta med områdesutveckling i prioriterade bostadsområden. Ett svenskt samarbete, Partnerskap för Hållbar Välfärdsutveckling, bildades 2003 mellan Helsingborg, Norrköping, Västerås och Örebro, kommunala bostadsbolag i dessa städer, flera nationella parter samt forskare vid Örebro universitet. Det centrala i partnerskapet var att genom erfarenhetsutbyte, metodutveckling och kunskapsspridning arbeta för en hållbar välfärdsutveckling i prioriterade bostadsområden (ett område från varje stad valdes ut). Integrerat i detta arbete var forskningsprogrammet ”Den hälsosamma staden - social integration, nätverkspolitik och hållbar välfärdsutveckling”, som följt partnerskapet vetenskapligt mellan åren 2003 och 2010. Det är av stor betydelse att integrera politik, praxis och forskning för att få kunskap om förutsättningar för en hälsosam utveckling i utsatta bostadsområden. Detta är en unik del av det nästan sjuåriga partnerskapsarbetet. Avhandlingens övergripande syfte har varit att inom ramen för Partnerskap för Hållbar Välfärdsutveckling studera folkhälsostrategier och lokalt utvecklingsarbete i kommuner och bostadsområden med särskild betoning på boendes deltagande för en hälsosam utveckling. Avhandlingens första studie syftar till att beskriva och analysera strategiskt folkhälsoarbete och lokalt områdesutvecklingsarbetet i fyra svenska kommuner samt den tidiga implementeringsfasen av Partnerskap för Hållbar Välfärdsutveckling. Datamaterialet består av dokumenterade intervjuer med folkhälsosamordnare och områdesutvecklare, deltagande observationer och skriftliga dokument. Resultatet visar att det redan i början av partnerskapsperioden fanns formella strukturer för folkhälsoarbetet i kommunen, till exempel ett folkhälsopolitiskt program, en utsedd samordnare, ett kontor och administrativa resurser samt politiker med särskilt ansvar för folkhälsofrågor. I uppbyggandet av de formella strukturerna var också de svenska nationella folkhälsomålen ett viktigt underlag. Vad gäller det lokala bostadsområdes arbete kan det ta sig olika uttryck även om målet är det samma. I partnerskapet fanns också tidigt höga förväntningar KARIN FRÖDING Public Health, Neighbourhood Development, and Participation I 83 att det skulle fungera som en sammanhållande kraft för ömsesidigt lärande och en positiv utveckling av prioriterade bostadsområden. Avhandlingens andra studie syftar till att analysera vad som karaktäriserar människor som deltar i områdesutveckling. Boende från tre av partnerskapskommunerna svarade på en enkät och resultatet visade på att människor som försökt påverka politiken i kommunen på olika sätt i större utsträckning deltar i områdesutveckling. Denna påverkan kan ske genom att kontakta en politiker eller lämna in ett medborgarförslag. Högt engagemang och aktivt deltagande var oberoende av individens sociodemografiska faktorer såsom utbildning eller inkomstnivå. Det var endast personer födda utanför Norden som i mindre utsträckning deltog i områdesutveckling. Avhandlingens tredje studie syftar till att undersöka en områdesbaserad interaktion mellan professionella (anställda), boende och forskare i en av partnerskapets utvalda stadsdelar. Baserat på deltagande observation under två år visar studien ett entydigt resultat: för att processen skall fungera krävdes att deltagarna öppet diskuterade enskilda situationer, personliga åtaganden och ömsesidiga förväntningar. Vidare var det viktigt att demaskera makt och auktoritet bland dem som deltar i processen för att inte några skulle ha mer inflytande på arbetet än de andra. Tiden visade sig vara viktig, att processen fick ta den tid det tog med konsensus som ett ledord. Slutligen var det viktigt att acceptera olika nivåer av deltagande. Allt detta bidrar till att skapa en gemensam känsla av engagemang och demokratisk dialog som är så viktigt i ett interaktivt samarbete. I avhandlingens fjärde studie är syftet att studera utvecklingsprocesser för att nå hållbara strukturer för lokalt områdesutvecklingsarbete i de fyra partnerskapsstäderna. Arbetet i Partnerskap för Hållbar Välfärdsutveckling har liksom kommunerna och det lokal områdesarbetet följts mellan åren 2003-2009. Genom en serie studier inom forskningsprogrammet med intervjuer, enkäter, deltagande observation och dokumentanalys har det utformats en databas för fallstudier. Resultatet visar att det under partnerskapsperioden fanns byggstenar i form av politiskt stöd, lokala partnerskap och boendes deltagande i områdesarbetet. När Partnerskap för Hållbar Välfärdsutveckling upphörde fanns dock få hållbara strukturer för områdesutveckling kvar. Det politiska stödet för områdesutveckling var under partnerskapstiden konstant högt men cykliskt, vilket innebar att prioriteringar ändrades. I samtliga fyra studerade stadsdelar hade områdesarbetet delvis avstannat och politiskt stöd och resurser lagts på andra områden i respektive kommun. I ett lokalt partnerskapssamarbete mellan kommun och kommunalt bostadsbolag finns dock möjlighet att bilda hållbara strukturer när såväl det strategiska som det lokala involveras i den praktiska delen av områdesutveckling. Medborgarnas deltagande verkar också utgöra en viss hållbar struktur för områdesutveckling, trots minskat politiskt stöd och resurser. Sammanfattningsvis visar denna avhandling att ett partnerskap för lokalt folkhälsoarbete kan fungera som en sammanhållande länk för lärande och utveckling bland alla inblandade aktörer. För ett fungerande områdesutvecklingsarbete är den lokala kontexten av största vikt liksom formella strukturer och ett nationellt stöd. Det är dessutom nödvändigt att beakta alla boende som potentiella deltagare i områdesutveckling oberoende av utbildning, kön eller inkomstnivå. När ett projektbaserat partnerskap avslutas måste det dessutom finnas strukturer som kan ta vid efter projekttidens slut. Avslutningsvis visar avhandlingen att ett områdesbaserat samspel med deltagande av professionella, boende och forskare ställer krav på en öppen, jämbördig dialog med ett accepterande förhållningssätt till olika nivåer av deltagande samt stort tidsutrymme.
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| 2. |
- Karlsson, Sandra, 1981-
(författare)
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Områdesbaserad politik – möjligheter till strukturell förändring : Lokalt utvecklingsarbete i marginaliserade bostadsområden i Malmö
- 2016
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In 1995 the Swedish government launched the first area-based initiative Special initiatives in immigrant-dense neighbourhoods as a response to the current debate concerning the failings of the integration policy. The area-based policy and projects undertake the mission to reverse the trend in marginalized neighbourhoods in Sweden’s major cities from 1995 to 2014. The empirical material is from the projects Area-programs for a socially sustainable Malmö (2010-2015) and Lindängen towards the future (2012-2014), Malmö municipality. Adopting a social constructionist approach the study’s aim is to examine the projects’ assumptions concerning what – and who – should be changed and how. Based on the policy´s claim to achieve structural change the study also examines if, and if so what, possibilities the projects have to create opportunities for structural change. The study shows that the area-based projects cannot create opportunities for structural change but rather work to reduce the social consequences of structural deficiencies that are made visible through the reproduction of marginalised neighbourhoods. In the projects the social problem is constructed as consisting of four interrelated factors: long-term unemployment, foreign background, segregation and lack of social responsibility. The strategy is to mobilise public, private and civil sector actors so that they – despite society’s exclusion of people of foreign background in situations of long-term unemployment – take their social responsibility and make available resources to individual residents in order to prepare them for becoming active citizens. As they are not able to reduce poverty, promote inclusive political and economic processes or legitimate relationships between those in power and representatives of civil society with demands for changing conditions, their ability to create opportunities for structural change is found to be limited.
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| 3. |
- Andersson, Ann-Catrin, 1973-
(författare)
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Identity politics and city planning : the case of Jerusalem
- 2011
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Jerusalem is the declared capital of Israel, fundamental to Jewish tradition, and a contested city, part of the Israel–Palestine conflict. Departing from an analysis of mainly interviews and policy documents, this study aims to analyze the interplay between the Israeli identity politics of Jerusalem and city planning. The role of the city is related to discursive struggles between traditional, new, and post-Zionism. One conclusion is that the Israeli claim to the city is firmly anchored in a master commemorative narrative stating that Jerusalem is the eternal and indivisible capital of Israel. A second conclusion is that there is a constant interplay between Israeli identity politics, city policy, and planning practice, through specific strategies of territoriality. The goals of the strategies are to create a political, historical and religious, ethnic, economic, and exclusive capital. Planning policies are mainly focused on uniting the city through housing projects in East Jerusalem, rehabilitating historic heritage, ancestry, and landscapes, city center renewal, demographic balance, and economic growth, mainly through tourism and industrial development. An analysis of coping strategies shows that Jerusalem planners relate to identity politics by adopting a self-image of being professional, and by blaming the planning system for opening up to ideational impact. Depending on the issue, a planner adopts a reactive role as a bureaucrat or an expert, or an active role, such mobilizer or an advocate. One conclusion drawn from the “Safdie Plan” process is that traditional Zionism and the dominant collective planning doctrine are being challenged. An alliance of environmental movements, politicians from left and right, and citizens, mobilized a campaign against the plan that was intended to develop the western outskirts of Jerusalem. The rejection of the plan challenged the established political leadership, it opened up for an expansion to the east, and strengthened Green Zionism, but the result is also a challenge to the housing needs of Jerusalem.
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| 4. |
- Gustavsson, Eva, 1956-
(författare)
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Mellan det lokala och det globala : klimat, kommuner, nätverk
- 2008
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Between the local and the global: climate, local governments, networks The notion of an ongoing global warming is shared by a large number of researchers and decision-makers around the world. Through the act of signing the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change a majority of the world's naitons have accepted the idea of human induced climate change, and to develop national climate change mitigation programmes. The Kyoto protocol later quantified the commitments made by the nations. The issue of climate change has become a political issue of its own. In the European Union as well as in Sweden and other nations, climate mitigation goals, programmes and strategies are developed. This is also the situation on the local level, for example in Swedish municipalities, which is the context of this study. Local goverment is an important actor in climate mitigation, both as a political organization in its own right and as an arena involving actors from different sectors in society. Climate change mitigation measures conducted by local governments re partly shaped by national grant programmes. The study shows, however, that the local context - the palce - with its natural prerequisites, economic structures and composition of actors, is just as decisive for how the local climate policies are developed and implemented. It also shows that although responsibility for the environment is an important driving force in local climate mitigation there are at least two other dirving forces; local and regional development and the symbolic valute of being in the forefront of climate change mitigation. Another arena where actors in climate change mitigation meet is the network. Together wiht actors from different sectors and levels many municipalities participate in various networks, with local to global extension. The fact that the netsorks like climate change in inself transcends political and administrative borders, is alsö addressed theoretically in the study, focusing upon the concepts of re-scaling, multilevel governance and network governance, which constitute the theoretichal fram of the thesis.
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| 5. |
- Hysing, Erik, 1977-
(författare)
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Governing towards sustainability : environmental governance and policy change in Swedish forestry and transport
- 2010
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Faced with environmental problems such as climate change and biodiversity loss, the dominant political response has been sustainable development, balancing environmental protection against economic prosperity and social justice. While political action is increasingly being called for, the role and capacity of the state is questioned – as captured neatly in the story from government to governance that implies a relocation of authority and power between policy levels and in public-private relations, as well as a radical restructuring within public administration. Taking its conceptual point of departure in theories of sustainable development, governance, and policy change, this thesis assesses, explains, and theorises about recent developments of environmental governing within Swedish forestry and transport, two areas with high environmental impact and that involve strong economic values and interests. The findings are presented in four articles that have all been published in leading academic journals. The thesis concludes that public policy has changed within both policy areas as environmental objectives and new modes of governing have been adopted – a development that can be characterised as governing towards sustainability. However, the storyline from government to governance is too simple to capture these changes. The state remains important in several ways (actor, arena, institutional structure, form of authority) and influences society through a variety of modes of governing. Thus, governance and government remain relevant. To explain policy change we need to recognise multiple barriers to and enablers of change as well as having a contextual understanding of the policy area in focus. The thesis concludes by arguing that sustainable development needs to be politicised in terms of visible political action and open political contestation between differing visions of a sustainable society.
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| 6. |
- Larsson, Josefin, 1975-
(författare)
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Aiming for change : intentional communities and ideology in function
- 2004
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The question raised in this thesis is whether there is a common ideology to be found among intentional communities, and if so, what does characterise such an ideology and how does it relate to the traditional –isms? The study takes its theoretical point of departure in a functional concept of ideology, along with six dimensions of social critique: the political, the politico-economic, the politico-sexual, the psychosocial, the religious and spiritual, and the environmental. The findings of this study indicate that intentional communities have a common ideological core. They explain the world around them in terms of that the modern, capitalist society having disempowered its citizens and put them into structures that are alienating and unsustainable. The evaluation that they offer is that it is necessary to work for more integration, autonomy and sustainability. The orientative function indicates that the social agent is the individual in community. Together communards claim that they can develop new structures and function as role models and inspiration for the mainstream. Finally, the programme that they suggest is to, through outreaching work and internal work, cut consumption and change production methods in order to ease as well environmental as social impact.
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| 7. |
- Åström, Joachim, 1973-
(författare)
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Mot en digital demokrati? : Teknik, politik och institutionell förändring
- 2004
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- New information and communication technologies are today put forward as one possible solution to the perceived problems of democracy. Seeing that the Internet enables new forms of communication and eases information gathering, one view says that the Internet will open up new participatory avenues and radically transform patterns of political participation. Another view says that nothing will change because the new technology will be embedded within power structures that are not likely to change. The aim of this thesis is to discern the causes and consequences of the Swedish local governments´ use of the Internet in the democratic process, and also to use variation and similarities in the response to new technology to illuminate answers to fundamental questions about politics and institutional change. On the one hand, the analysis reveals that the Internet has raised high expectations of vitalisation and change of political democracy. The major documents stating the central government´s current intentions with regard to developing are all in favour of placing the new technology in the service of democracy, and in the municipalities a majority of the most important political decision-makers - the chairs of the municipal executive boards - are in favour of many of the proposals put forward in the debate. Political action, on the other hand, often speaks a different language. To a great extent, the step from intentions to actual initiatives may be described as a development from two-way communication to one-way information; from early information to late information; from active end users to passive end users; and from ideological arguments of an interactive or direct democracy to a limited modernisation of indirect democracy. The study recognizes several constraints that institutions impose on action. Local governments trying to make full use of their new digital opportunities are faced with a series of strategic dilemmas or tensions: between different democratic ideals as well as local government ideologies. The way in which local governments seek to balance these compteting pressures or resolve dilemmas is, however, often characterized by limited comparison and ad-hoc processess, without arousing any particular attention at the higher reaches. Without political involvement and strategic decision-making, developments towards digital democracy becomes less a matter of big changes stemming from explicit choices and reforms, and more one of gradual evolution restricted by previous decisions and institutions. Despite many grounds for caution, this study gives some evidence suggesting that "politics as usual" may be altered in a longer time perspective. Reciprocal effects between technology and institutions are not sequential and direct but complex and highly interdependent, forming a new kind of dynamics. Digital technologies are creating new opportunities, pressures and incitaments; influencing attitudes and preferences; and they alter the balance of resources and power among individuals within local governments. This indicates that new technologies may reshape the goals that animate political action, weaken the constraints that institutions impose on action, and thus become a contributory cause for institutional change.
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| 8. |
- Granberg, Mikael, 1962-
(författare)
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Från lokal välfärdsstat till stadspolitik : politiska processer mellan demokrati och effektivitet: vision Mälarstaden och Östra hamnen i Västerås
- 2004
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The main aim of the thesis is to analyse the preconditions of contemporary Swedish city politics. The aim is reached through the answering of three questions; 1), what characterises contemporary Swedish city politics? 2), what contributes to the shaping and organisation of urban political processes in Sweden? 3), what problems and challenges are central to Swedish city politics? Based on interviews, documents and articles an empirical study of a Swedish city (Västerås) in its historical, national and international context is taken as a point of departure for reflections and conclusions with regard to the development of city politics and planning in Sweden. City politics in the studied city is analysed within the wider context of Swedish welfare state development and the international and global processes that have potential effects on national and city politics. The relationship between the historical development and urban politics is conceptualised by an approach where local actors act within structures that both constrain and enable action. Crucial concepts guiding the analysis are agenda, interests, representation, actors, democracy, planning, networks and legitimation. In conclusion the study shows how a specific urban process is influenced by courses of events at different societal levels, events that contribute to the formation of a contextual setting where the concrete actions are staged and played out. Global and international phenomena influence politics at the national level with consequences for the configuration of central-local relations and other preconditions of urban political processes. Urban politics occur within a framework that is favourable to the interests of some actors and negative to others. Thus, urban politics is deeply affected by extra-local determinants with substantial effects upon the urban environment. To survive and develop in a world ridden by such strong forces city politics faces the dual challenge of acting efficiently, i.e. being sensitive to the needs and demands of local elites, while keeping its democratic legitimacy, i.e. being sensitive to the needs and demands of all citizens.
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| 9. |
- Johansson, Marcus
(författare)
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Exkludering av invandrare i stadspolitiken : makt och maktlöshet i Örebro 1980-2000
- 2002
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The aim of this study is to analyse power structures and processes of exclusion between Swedes and immigrants in Örebro. The study applies a monopolistic approach to show that Swedes exclude immigrants to maintain a dominant power position. Exclusion is understood as a process resulting from asymmetric power relations. Digeser’s fourth face of foucauldian discursive power, Lukes’ third face of system power, Bachrach and Baratz’ second face of non decision-making, and Dahl’s first face of decision-making, are employed to elaborate four types of exclusion: the construction of discursive roles, the control of thoughts, the raising of barriers, and the control over decision-making. Three perspectives of policy analysis are applied to scrutinize the policy fields of labour market, housing and culture. 1) Structure analysis focuses on ethnic representation and participation. 2) Policy formulation analysis examines the content of formal policy documents and policy processes of key policy issues. 3) Discourse analysis deconstructs norms and the roles that are produced. The perspectives open up different insights when analysing power. Structure analysis focuses on potential power aspects, policy formulation analysis on relations in decision-making and agenda setting, and discourse analysis on power over thoughts and in the construction of political roles. The findings of this study indicate that immigrants are excluded by receiving different policy roles, e.g. ‘the unemployed’, ‘the segregated’, and ‘the culturally deviants’ (4th face). Immigrants’ unemployment is due to deficient knowledge in Swedish and their presence is ignored in issues related to city growth. Housing segregation is either portrayed as a class-dependent issue or as a process that pull immigrants to their own compatriots. The Swedish culture is hegemonic and other ethnic cultures are regarded as subordinate (3rd face). Exclusion occurs when Swedes raise barriers, though anticipation, mobilisation of Swedish bias and cooptation hinder or transform immigrant-related initiatives (2nd face). Finally, insufficient ethnic representation, lack of political support, and centralisation of the policy fields to the core of the urban political elite create patterns of powerlessness (1st face). The study shows that the opportunities for immigrants to participate in and influence urban politics dominated by Swedes are few and that immigrants continuously become excluded from the Swedish urban life.
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| 10. |
- Perman, Karin
(författare)
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Från el till värme : en diskursanalytisk policystudie av energiomställning på statlig, kommunal och hushållsnivå
- 2008
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The aim of this thesis is to analyse how space heating for single-family houses, and energy system conversion has been constructed and discussed at national, municipal and household levels. Political documents have been studied, and interviews have been carried out with politicians, civil servants and householders in the municipality of Falun. In order to study and analyse similarities and differences between these three political levels, the following main questions were asked: In which sense is the use of electrical heating formulated as problematic? How are the causes of these problems presented, and which solutions are suggested? What are the effects of how problems, causes and solutions are constructed?At the national level, the use of electricity produced by nuclear power was considered a problem. Initially the municipality’s policy documents present the same problem, but there is a change of focus to the problem of imported electricity produced by fossil fuel, and the resulting emissions. At household level, the problem was often an old and badly functioning space-heating system. But some households did not formulate a problem before they converted. Instead they were influenced by their neighbours and thereby convinced.At all three political levels, there is consensus on the households’ responsibility concerning energy transition. While industry tends to be considered incapable of cutting down its energy consumption, households are expected to take the responsibility seriously. Furthermore, within the household, the heating system tends to be constructed as a predominantly male concern.At all three levels, households are perceived as dependant on economical subsidies when taking the decision to convert from electrical heating. Although it is interesting that the interviewed householders only apply this view to others than themselves. They are convinced that other households need subsidies to act in an environmentally correct way.The discourse concerning the Swedish energy transition illustrates a shift away from a definition of ecological modernisation where environmental considerations influence economic development. The thesis clearly shows how economic arguments repeatedly influence environmental concerns. However, the tension between the two is played down and concealed through the lack of problematisation of the responsibility of industry, and through the focus on the need for education and future opportunities. Political dialogues concerning the use of electrical heating and the conversion of energy systems towards more renewable energies are dominated by economic arguments at the three levels. One effect of this is an assumption that energy policy instruments such as information and economic subsidies are essential for the energy transition. However, if householders rather are influenced by their neighbours should the government use economic subsidy as the main energy policy instrument?
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