| 1. |
- Adman, Per, 1970-
(författare)
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Jämlikhet tonas ned
- 2014
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Annan publikation (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 2. |
- Björnehed, Emma, PhD, et al.
(författare)
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Making the most of the frame : developing the analytical potential of frame analysis
- 2018
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Ingår i: Policy Studies. - : Routledge. - 0144-2872 .- 1470-1006. ; 39:2, s. 109-126-
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Frame analysis has been developed and applied across contexts in several disciplines such as policy analysis, where the perspective has proven fruitful to carve out essential differences in the construction of meaning and to understand the responsiveness of the strategic use of ideas. However, this article argues in line with other scholars that the analytical potential of frame analysis is not fully utilized in most empirical studies. The article addresses two points of critique raised against frame analytical perspectives: the limited view of the framing process and the limited understanding of frame effects. We suggest two analytical dimensions that help to develop the analytical potential of frame analysis in policy analysis and beyond: firstly, the institutionalization process of frames which can capture the struggle of meaning within policy processes and also distinguish between the varying influences of different frames over space and time. Secondly, the extension of frame effects that through a reconceptualization of frame effects can capture how a frame has an effect on actors other than the audience and beyond its immediate purpose.
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| 3. |
- Brunnström, Pål, Doktor, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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Resisting Democratisation : Arguments Against Female Enfranchisement Among Members of the Swedish Parliament 1866–1918
- 2024
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Ingår i: Suffrage and Its Legacy in the Nordics and Beyond. - Cham : Palgrave Macmillan. - 2662-5814 .- 2662-5822. - 9783031523588 - 9783031523595 - 9783031523618 ; , s. 37-61
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this contribution, we analyse the parliamentary minutes debating the issue of women’s voting rights in Sweden from the start of the two-chamber parliament in 1866 until 1918, when women were finally granted voting rights on the same terms as men. We find that most arguments belonged to one of two broad categories: those that were against women’s suffrage as a matter of principle, and those that could accept women’s right to vote but not at the present time. The arguments of principle were without exception used by conservatives, and while some liberals did occasionally use postponement arguments, this was also the realm of conservative argumentation. Not a single social democrat argued against female voting rights in the analysed minutes. Furthermore, we find that the conservative arguments of principle were remarkably stable and essentially did not change during the 52 years our analysis covers. The postponement arguments varied more over time as some of the more common ones, such as the need for further investigation, lost credibility.
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| 4. |
- Ehrhart, Anna
(författare)
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Between Strategic Political Power and a Daunting Task : Exploring Dimensions of Women’s Political Participation in Hybrid Regimes
- 2023
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Hybrid regimes combine elements of both democratic and authoritarian governance, with potentially flawed democratic processes, suppressed civil liberties and uneven political playing fields. Increasingly, scholarship signals the longevity and resilience of hybrid regimes, especially within broader discourses on rising authoritarianism and democratic decline around the world. The lack of gender perspectives in hybrid regimes research is notable. This oversight largely neglects women's roles and their impact in such regimes and fails to focus on the potential implications these regimes may have on women's opportunities for effective participation. However, recent research has increasingly highlighted the gendered aspects of policymaking in hybrid regimes, such as shrinking and changing civic space and democratic backsliding. Moreover, women also face challenges in hybrid regimes that are tied to contested norms and less access to important social networks.This dissertation explores women's political participation (WPP) in hybrid regimes. It proposes a framework that conceptualizes WPP as occurring in two interconnected dimensions, civil society and formal political institutions. Therefore, it draws on three previous and emerging research fields: feminist institutionalism (FI), women's organizing research, and gender and democratization research. Each of these perspectives solely and taken together provide entry points to conceptualize the mechanisms that illustrate how women participate in and across both dimensions – despite and because of the challenges to WPP experienced in hybrid regimes. The dissertation asks the following research questions: first, what is the association between women's political participation in formal institutions such as parliaments and civil society across different hybrid regimes and over time? Second, what opportunities for political participation in formal political institutions and civil society do women perceive in hybrid regimes? Finally, what obstacles to their political participation in formal political institutions and civil society do women experience in hybrid regimes? In this article-based dissertation, a mixed-methods approach is employed to study the dimensions of WPP, combining a quantitative study of hybrid regimes over time with three qualitative studies focused on the empirical case of contemporary Turkey. Turkey is a typical example of a hybrid regime with both democratic and authoritarian characteristics, and the incumbent government's strategic targeting of gender politics and its actors makes Turkey a significant case to better explore challenges and opportunities for women's political participation in hybrid regimes. The dissertation's findings suggest three main aspects of women's political participation and political influence in hybrid regimes. First, exploring women's political participation across civil society and formal political institutions illustrates the interlinked nature of both dimensions and the relevance of these linkages for women's opportunities to participate in hybrid regimes. Second, hybrid regimes pose complex contexts for women's political participation, where opportunities to exert influence may change but where incumbent government actors retreat to different strategies targeting women and (anti-) gender equality claims. Hence, women's political participation across both dimensions must be dynamic to adapt and resist such changing circumstances. Last, the dissertation illustrates the importance of exploring how informal structures, such as norms or gendered practices, interfere with women's political participation in hybrid regimes. In sum, the dissertation advances gender perspectives in hybrid regime research and illustrates insights from the Turkish case that are relevant for other regime settings.
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| 5. |
- Erikson, Josefina, 1979-, et al.
(författare)
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A legislative gender-equality norm as a catalyst for change? Discursive convergence in the case of the Swedish Parliament
- 2021
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Ingår i: European Journal of Politics and Gender. - : Bristol University Press. - 2515-1088 .- 2515-1096. ; 4:3, s. 403-421
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article addresses the establishment of gender-equality norms in a case often presented as one of the most gender-equal legislatures in the world, namely, the Swedish Parliament (Riksdagen). Based on a series of in-depth interviews between 2005 and 2016 with 90 legislators in the Swedish Parliament, we ask whether there is agreement over gender-equality problems in Parliament that cut across gender and party affiliation, and whether there is convergence over time in this regard. Our findings show that there is a trend of convergence of the gender-inequality framings over time, which indicates the establishment of a shared legislative gender-equality norm. We suggest that a legislative gender-equality norm might work as a catalyst for progressive and continuous work in this area.
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| 6. |
- Erikson, Josefina, 1979-
(författare)
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A School for all or a School for the Labour Market? : Analyzing the Goal Formulation of the Swedish Upper Secondary Education Reform
- 2017
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Ingår i: Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0031-3831 .- 1470-1170. ; 61:2, s. 139-154
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The 1991, Swedish upper secondary school reform presents internationally an unusual case of the far-reaching integration of academic and vocational programmes. It has often been claimed that late tracking, such as characterizes this reform, helps to reduce inequalities between different social classes. This article addresses the question of how the government motivated and argued for a unified upper secondary school. The article finds that, contrary to expectations, an economic goal was prominent in the policy documents, and that the reform in question (postponed tracking) was not motivated primarily from an equality perspective. The article also indicates that there is a potential conflict between these two goals that has not been dealt with politically.
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| 7. |
- Erikson, Josefina, 1979-
(författare)
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A special fund for gender equality? : Institutional constraints and gendered consequences in Swedish collective bargaining
- 2021
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Ingår i: Gender, Work and Organization. - : John Wiley & Sons. - 0968-6673 .- 1468-0432. ; 28:4, s. 1379-1397
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Sweden is often described as one of the world’s most gender-equal societies, but the gender pay gap nevertheless remains large. In 2007, a special gender-equality fund that targeted women workers was successfully implemented in the collective bargaining agreement. Although it decreased the gender pay gap, it was controversial and has never been employed since. The aim of this article is to increase knowledge concerning the conditions for such “gender-equality bargaining†through a detailed empirical case study. An in-depth study of the bargaining process casts light on how the institutional features of bargaining have changed after 2007 in a way that significantly restricts further attempts to make relative wage changes in gender-segregated labor markets. The findings indicate that increased employer coordination and a strong industry norm appear to hinder gender-equality initiatives.
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| 8. |
- Erikson, Josefina, 1979-
(författare)
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An Ideational Approach to Gendered Institutional Change : Revisiting the Institutionalization of a New Prostitution Regime in Sweden
- 2019
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Ingår i: NORA Nordic journal of feminist and gender research. - : Informa UK Limited. - 2156-5503 .- 0803-8740 .- 1502-394X. ; 27:1, s. 22-40
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Recent work in the field of feminist institutionalism has made important progress in furthering our understanding of gendered institutional change. I argue that gradual ideational changes play an essential role in processes of gendered institutional change, and that examining the interaction between ideas and gendered institutions is of great importance for gaining a better understanding of processes of this type. This article revisits an empirical study of gendered institutional change in Swedish prostitution policy in the effort to specify two idea-based mechanisms that are conducive to gendered change, namely, consensus concerning the problem and gendering of the problem.
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| 9. |
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| 10. |
- Erikson, Josefina, 1979-, et al.
(författare)
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Beyond client criminalization : Analyzing collaborative governance arrangements for combatting prostitution and trafficking in Sweden
- 2022
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Ingår i: Regulation and Governance. - : Wiley. - 1748-5983 .- 1748-5991. ; 16:3, s. 818-835
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Sweden is well known as the first country in the world to adopt client criminalization in an effort to control and eventually eliminate prostitution. Less attention has been paid to the emergence of extensive collaborative governance arrangements that serve as complements to the legal framework. The aim of this article is to provide new knowledge as it investigates the multifaceted ways in which governance arrangements have developed in Sweden, employing collaborative governance theories and the Regulatory–Intermediaries–Target model for this purpose. The strategies of responsibilization directed toward target groups that have been utilized to implement policies to control prostitution and trafficking are also explored. The article analyzes not only the rationale behind the adoption of collaborative governance in Sweden, but also the complex governance practices that have emerged in this regard, in which a range of actors are involved in policymaking and application as well as regulation. We conclude that the previous understanding of the Swedish model needs to be revised, and that although collaborative governance has made a fruitful contribution to the field in question, it also introduces new types of problems, particularly a significant increase in informality and decisionmaking outside the legal framework, primarily by civil society actors.
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