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- Jansson, Jenny, 1979-, et al.
(författare)
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Technological Shifts and the Social Partners : Is the European Semester Heading Towards a Social Europe?
- 2021. - 1
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Ingår i: The European Union and the Technology Shift. - London : Palgrave Macmillan. - 9783030636722 ; , s. 161-183
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This chapter describes and analyses the involvement of trade unions and employers’ organisations in the European Semester (ES) in EU member states. The ES is an important governance mechanism available to the EU to guide economic development in light of an imminent technological shift and, at the same time, involves organisations representing both workers and employers. The analysis shows that the ES could work as a bridge between growth and social reforms where the social partners are involved to ensure that all interests are considered in the governance of EU economic policy. However, the chapter also shows that there are substantive differences among the EU member states as to the extent to which if and when the social partners have a say, when they are involved in the process and whether governments listen to the social partners.
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| 4. |
- Jansson, Olle, 1978-, et al.
(författare)
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Neither sticks nor carrots: Swedish trade union involvement in the European Semester : Case study Sweden
- 2019
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The aim of this OSE Research paper is to ascertain to what extent the social partners in Sweden are involved in the different stages of the European Semester: what do they expect (if anything) to gain from this involvement, and do they perceive that they have an influence on the outputs and outcomes of the process? By studying available written documents and conducting interviews with representatives of the trade union confederations, employer organizations and civil servants from the government’s office, we have reconstructed the involvement of the national-level social partners in the European Semester. The Swedish case is characterized by a strong institutional framework for national social dialogue as well as weak EU pressure to adapt to the European Union’s (EU) Country-specific Recommendations (CSR) or other policy recommendations emanating from the Semester. Sweden is not part of the Eurozone and the economic recovery after the great recession has been comparatively good. In terms of the geographical typology for industrial relations used in the INVOTUNES project, Sweden is one of the ‘Northern countries’, together with Denmark, Finland and Norway. Fundamental components of the Swedish model for industrial relations, together with the high unionisation rate and broad membership, are the strong status of collective agreements, workplace representatives with a mandate to negotiate, as well as the independence of the social partners from central government. The labour market is regulated by a number of principal agreements reached at the central level between employers’ organizations and trade unions. These central agreements regulate aspects including negotiation procedures, dispute procedures and development issues. In contrast to many other countries, there are no state-administered minimum wage levels in Sweden, since the social partners negotiate these key aspects. The political situation in Sweden at the time of writing is characterised by a minority government, composed of the Social Democrats and the Green party, supported by the Liberals and the Centre party (two liberal parties). The Swedish case illustrates how a strong national social dialogue and low degree of EU pressure mean that, on the one hand, the social partners have moderate to good access to the policy process and possess considerable resources which can be used to impact the European Semester. Regardless, they ultimately have limited incentives to use these tools to influence the outputs and outcomes of the policy process. So far, the outputs from the European Semester have not pushed for concrete reforms in the areas for which the social partners are mainly responsible, thus they have had few reasons to be involved in the process. Moreover, as the national social dialogue functions well, they have no interest in using the Commission to put pressure on the national government. Instead, the social partners wish to raise the awareness of the European Commission and others regarding how industrial relations function in Sweden and how beneficial this model is. The long-term goal of the social partners is to preserve their autonomy and the model of wage formation in Sweden, namely the freedom of the social partners to reach agreements through negotiations. Reaching this goal includes protecting the wage formation model from reforms at European level. Therefore, this study suggests that the social partners monitor the work related to the Semester and take action if the CSRs concern issues that are important to them. So far this has rarely been the case. When the social partners choose to become involved in the Semester, they use insider strategies, i.e. they turn to national rather than European-level actors. The Swedish government has created formal institutions for ensuring the involvement of the social partners in the Semester work. The partners have meetings with the government regularly during the Semester, while unions and employer organizations together write an annex to the National Reform Programme (NRP). For Sweden, the policy recommendations for meaningful involvement would probably call for a more focused dialogue between local and central levels within the social partner organisations. In trying to strengthen positive incentives for such dialogue, the unions would most likely need to involve the various members more actively than they do today.
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| 5. |
- Rubino, Stefano, 1978-, et al.
(författare)
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In-situ contacting of nanosheets and remote EMCD
- 2009
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Ingår i: 2nd International Workshop on Remote Electron Microscopy and In Situ Studies, Gothenburg, Sweden 16-18 November 2009.
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 6. |
- Jansson, Olle, 1978-
(författare)
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A Reluctant Retreat? : The Swedish Medical Association and policies concerning foreign educated physicians in the early post-war era
- 2023
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This paper discusses arguments and political initiatives that the Swedish Medical Association (Sveriges Läkarförbund, SLF) took in attempts to curtail the immigration of foreign-educated physicians to Sweden in the first decades after the end of world war two. During the inter-war period, a shortage of positions for especially newly educated physicians had made SLF into a very protectionist organization that regularly questioned the ability of foreign-educated physicians of treating Swedish patients. Several of their leaders were also involved in or sympathetic towards right-wing political and pro-German organizations.The early post-war period heralded a period of rapid changes within both the political landscape in general and health care policies in particular. The ruling Social Democratic Party wanted to reform the health care sector, expand the number of public hospitals and healthcare clinics, and make health care assessable for all with no or limited fees upfront. This entailed a rapid expansion of the number of physicians, through increasing the number of medical students as well as simplifying the process that would enable foreign-educated physicians to come and practice in Sweden.The leadership within the SLF was against all of this. Neither the “socialization” of healthcare, the “proletarianization” of the medical profession nor the “import” of foreigners for such work was compatible with SLF:s professional project at the time. For them, a physician was a small intellectual and cultural elite of private, independent highly educated professionals. They fought tooth and nail to try to argue against these developments. In the end, they lost them all.In this paper, I will primarily focus on their resistance to foreign-educated physicians. The material used has been collected from the archives of SLF, articles from journals written for and by Swedish physicians, and archive material from some reports and inquiries within the government and the Swedish Medical Board (Medicinalstyrelsen) during the period circa 1945-1960.I argue that SLF had developed a nationalist professional strategy that included strong social closures against foreign-educated physicians during the interwar period. This strategy was well adapted to the interwar and war period but would soon show to be unsuitably adapted to the post-war period. SLF:s demands and arguments often fell on deaf ears in government, the medical board, or in public debate in general. During most of the 1950s SLF only made small concessions to the new political landscape. Not until the leadership that hade came to eminence within the medal organization during the interwar period was replaced with a younger generation of physicians was a more coherent policy change visible.The paper thus argues that professional, as well as other employee or trade union organizations, need to adapt to stay relevant and have an influence on policy but that this adaption at times can be slow and painful.
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| 7. |
- Jansson, Olle, 1978-
(författare)
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Babylonian Bult-town
- 2011
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 9. |
- Jansson, Olle, 1978-, et al.
(författare)
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Collective agreements against labor market risks in Sweden : The case of the PTK-SAF employment security agreement
- 2021
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Ingår i: Labor history. - London : Taylor & Francis. - 0023-656X .- 1469-9702. ; 62:3, s. 316-333
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Occupational welfare as an alternative to public welfare for the protection against social risks has lately attracted increased attention. However, there is no clear agreement on the causes behind the emergence and expansion of occupational welfare schemes in modern welfare states. This article contributes to this subject through a study of one specific form of occupational welfare in Sweden, called Employment Security or Transition Agreements, and the agreements between the bargaining cartel for white-collar employees PTK and the Confederation of private-sector employers SAF/SN from the 1970s until the present time. Based on archival material and articles, the article finds that the protection provided through the agreement expanded during the 1970s and 1980s but has since been reduced, even though the unions finding such solutions more important than ever. Despite the relative strength of Swedish unions, they are not able to sufficiently address increased labor market risks brought about by welfare state retrenchment and structural change.
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