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Sökning: WFRF:(Jarstad Anna 1966 )

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1.
  • Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin, et al. (författare)
  • Projektsamhället och hoten mot akademin
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: Det hotade universitetet. - Stockholm : Dialogos Förlag. - 9789175042992 ; , s. 9-26
  • Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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2.
  • Barnes, Philippa, 1990- (författare)
  • When processes collide : leadership, legitimacy and liberation in Palestine
  • 2019
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Palestinian national movement leadership has long been intertwined with thecontext of the national movement processes – liberation, peace and statebuilding. Over time, as these processes have not come to fruition, the numerousleadership groups have had to negotiate their relationships with these processesas both the groups and processes increasingly overlap, creating significantobservable points of tension within Palestinian politics. There are currentlymultiple levels of leadership across the national movement: two representativegoverning institutions – the Palestine Liberation Organisation and thePalestinian Authority; two dominant political movements – Fatah and Hamas;and numerous popular resistance initiatives such as the Boycott, Divestment andSanctions movement coalition that has different levels of endorsement (or lackof) by the other leaderships. This thesis seeks to map the Palestinian nationalliberation movement leadership, examining the inter-relations between themultiple leadership groups and internal (i.e. intra-Palestinian) legitimacies.Examining the internal legitimacies of the Palestinian leaderships results in anexpansion of how internal legitimacy can be conceptualised. For the historicalperiod (1958-2008) analysed, I found revolutionary, representative,oppositional, institutional, democratic and moral legitimacy types within thePalestinian case. Furthermore, these were all attributed to respective nationalmovement processes. Analysing the recent period (2016-2017) requires the useof a relational approach to further develop understandings of legitimacy. Thisapproach transforms legitimacy into a process of (de)legitimisation, whichinteracts with the national movement processes and helps us capture and analysethe complexities of the Palestinian case – that of concurrent, multiple andcontending perspectives. I found the continuation of the liberation and statebuilding processes as simultaneous bases of legitimisation to be a critical point oftension within the tandem legitimisation-delegitisimation process. Engaging arelational approach demonstrated the need for ongoing leadershipreconstruction. I conclude that, in order to negotiate the interactions andcontestations between the multiple and dynamic processes that underlielegitimacy, leaderships face an ultimatum of ‘reconstruct or delegitimise’. WherePalestinian leadership groups have stagnated and not engaged with a process ofreconstruction, we see processes of delegitimisation arising that can explain thecurrent leadership complexities within the Palestinian national movement.
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3.
  • Boulanger Martel, Simon Pierre, et al. (författare)
  • Peace with Adjectives : Conceptual Fragmentation or Conceptual Innovation?
  • 2024
  • Ingår i: International Studies Review. - : Oxford University Press. - 1521-9488 .- 1468-2486. ; 26:2
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • What strategies can be employed to conceptualize peace? In recent years, scholars have introduced an impressive array of “peace with adjectives” in order to make sense of some of the normative and empirical underpinnings of peace. Negative, positive, everyday, virtual, illiberal, partial, insecure, relational, emancipatory, agonistic, and feminist are some of the qualifiers that have been associated with the concept. While the growing attention to conceptualization is a welcomed development, we argue that the proliferation of new terms has led to increased fragmentation in the field of peace studies. Conceptual fragmentation impedes cumulative knowledge production and generates missed opportunities for fruitful discussions across theoretical and conceptual divides. In this article, we aim to provide more clarity to our field by mapping existing peace conceptualizations and identifying the strategies employed by scholars to construct innovative new terms. In our review, we identify 61 concepts and suggest that these conceptual innovations in peace research belong to one of three analytical strategies: developing diminished subtypes, conceptual narrowing, and conceptual expansion. Building on this categorization, we make recommendations for how peace researchers can enhance clarity and deepen constructive discussions between different conceptual approaches.
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5.
  • Det hotade universitetet
  • 2016. - 1
  • Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Under de drygt två hundra år som förflutit sedan det moderna forskningsuniversitetet såg dagens ljus i dåtida Preussen har vetenskap bevisligen gjort världen bättre. Fyra k:n – kunskap, kreativitet, kritikoch kollegialitet – har utgjort nyckeln till denna exempellösa framgång. Akademins framsteg har dock inte vilat på den demokratisk-politiska logik som genomsyrar dagens samhälle, utan på en parallell och alldeles egen verklighet där ett fritt sökande upprätthållits genom att forskare drivits av sitt engagemang och sin nyfikenhet. När denna anda får råda inom vetenskapen blir det också bra för samhället i stort. Men i det projektsamhälle som alltmer tar form och där tiden, resultaten och utvärderingen är centrala, framstår akademins och vetenskapens sätt att fungera som provocerande. Liksom stora delar av den offentliga verksamheten lever i dag akademin under trycket av kortsiktig resultatleverans.Hur kunde det bli så, och vad gör vi åt det?Denna problematik är temat för Det hotade universitetet, som är redigerad och författad av engagerade forskare, tidigare universitetsrektorer och ämbetsmän som är förskräckta över en utveckling där djup kunskap, vildsint kreativitet, kritiska samtal och kollegialt ansvar kastas på sophögen. Denna utveckling kan inte, och får inte, fortsätta. Då rycker vi undan mattan för mänskliga framsteg och ett civiliserat samhälle. Det är hög tid att försvara de värden som akademin har stått för sedan lång tid tillbaka – inte för att de är traditionella, utan för att de är det modernaste vi har.
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8.
  • Höglund, Kristine, 1974-, et al. (författare)
  • The Predicament of Elections in War-Torn Societies
  • 2009
  • Ingår i: Democratization. - London : Frank Cass Publishers. - 1351-0347 .- 1743-890X. ; 16:3, s. 530-557
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Why do elections held in the shadow of civil wars sometimes generate more violence in already war-torn societies, while in other circumstances they do not? This article develops a conceptual framework based on three clusters of factors to analyse the conflict-generating aspects of elections in war-torn societies: the key actors in the electoral processes; the institutions of elections; and the stakes of the elections. Two types of war-related elections are distinguished: elections held during an ongoing civil war, and elections held in the post-war period when peace is to be implemented. While different in many respects, the two contexts share critical characteristics through their association with the legacy of warfare. Several important implications emerge from the analysis. First, relating to militant and violent actors, incentive structures need to be altered by addressing both the opportunities and means of violence. Second, to prevent inducements for violent behaviour, institutional arrangements - including electoral commissions have to be crafted with consideration given to local conflict dynamics and the history of violent conflict. Finally, the stakes of elections in war-shattered societies can be reduced through, for instance, constitutional pact-making and the oversight of external actors in electoral processes.
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9.
  • Höglund, Kristine, et al. (författare)
  • Towards electoral security : experiences from KwaZulu-Natal
  • 2011
  • Ingår i: Africa Spectrum. - Hamburg : SAGE Publications. - 0002-0397 .- 1868-6869. ; 46:1, s. 33-59
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • There is a growing recognition of the dangers of electoral violence. Yet, the theoretical foundation for systematic research and for adequate policy is still underdeveloped. This article aims to develop the theoretical understandings of strategies to manage and prevent electoral violence. This is accomplished by integrating research conducted within the two academic discourses on democratization and conflict management and also by drawing on the experiences from the conflict-ridden province KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa. The five strategies identified are monitoring, mediation, legal measures, law enforcement and self-regulating practices. In the article, the functions and mechanisms of the strategies are discussed. In addition, we analyse the limitations and usefulness of each of the strategies in turn and also provide suggestions on how to improve electoral security.
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10.
  • Jarstad, Anna, 1966- (författare)
  • Changing the Game : Consociational Theory and Ethnic Quotas in Cyprus and New Zealand
  • 2001
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • This study addresses the question of what makes ethnic quota systems in parliament work to manage ethnopolitical violence. By a reconstruction of Arend Lijphart’s theory on consociationalism, two causal mechanisms are identified. The first mechanism levels the power balance of contending groups by permanent inclusion in parliament. The second mechanism reduces the number of conflict issues to be agreed on jointly, by decentralization of decision-making to the respective ethnic groups. According to the logic of consociationalism, ethnic quotas in parliament are expected to prevent violence by levelling the power balance in parliament.The study includes an investigation of the ethnic quota systems of the world. Two cases which challenge Lijphart’s theory in two different ways, are selected for in-depth analysis. Contrary to the predictions of consociational theory, Cyprus as a typical consociational case has failed in conflict management, whereas New Zealand as the prime example of non-consociational cases has succeeded in promoting peace.The essence of consociational theory is reconstructed in a two-player game which is applied to the cases of ethnic relations in Cyprus and New Zealand. The conclusion is that ethnic quotas can contribute to changes in the actor’s ranking order of preferences by upgrading the value of cooperation. Only under the condition that the actors appreciate the mutual benefits of such cooperation, can ethnic quotas contribute to viable peace.
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