| 1. |
- Bergqvist, Christina, et al.
(författare)
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Kön och politik
- 2008. - 1. uppl.
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Bok (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 2. |
- Ahlbäck, Shirin and Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
(författare)
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EUs återverkningar på nordisk politik
- 1998
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Ingår i: Det statsvetenskapliga institutionernas nätverk för Europaforskning.
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 3. |
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| 4. |
- Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin, 1964-, et al.
(författare)
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The Influence of National Parliaments over Domestic European Union Policies
- 2009
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Ingår i: Scandinavian Political Studies. - : Wiley-Blackwell. - 0080-6757 .- 1467-9477. ; 32:4, s. 359-381
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this article we present survey results on the Swedish and Finnish parliamentarians' perceived influence over domestic decision-making in EU-matters. In the literature the parliaments in Sweden and Finland are classified as powerful parliaments that can exert considerable influence in the domestic EU policy-making. Moreover, Finland and Sweden joined the EU at the same time. Therefore the overall expectation is that the parliaments should be equally powerful. However, the results from our survey indicate a significant difference in perceived influence between the two parliaments. It is obvious that the Swedish parliamentarians perceive themselves as more marginalized in relation to the Government than the Finnish parliamentarians. After having tried different explanations we conclude that the differences can be ascribed to the parliaments' different organisational set-ups for the oversight of the Government.
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| 5. |
- Backlund, Anders, et al.
(författare)
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Animal advocacy and the radical right : the case of Sweden
- 2022
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Ingår i: Journal of Political Ideologies. - : Routledge. - 1356-9317 .- 1469-9613.
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Why does the radical right care so much about animals? In this study, we argue that the salience of animal advocacy within the radical right can be explained by its compatibility with these parties’ broader ideological framework. By analysing official documents from the radical right party the Sweden Democrats, we find that its animal advocacy is shaped by an ideological core consisting of nativism, authoritarianism and populism. The SD argues, for example, that immigrants are more violent towards animals; that animal cruelty must be strongly punished; and that mistreatment of animals is contrary to the moral intuitions of ‘the people’. Rather than only being used instrumentally to denigrate the cultural practices of immigrants, however, the policies reflect a broader commitment to animal well-being. Still, they differ from the egalitarian and rights-based agenda of ‘animalist’ parties, promoting as they do a paternalistic animal-welfare agenda where compassion is owed to animals not because they are our equals, but rather because they are dependent on us. The findings improve our understanding of the radical right ideology and of how ethical principles in the animal-rights debate are integrated into broader ideological frameworks and translated into party policy.
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| 6. |
- Backlund, Anders, 1982-
(författare)
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Isolating the Radical Right : Coalition Formation and Policy Adaptation in Sweden
- 2020
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In recent decades, established political parties across Europe have become increasingly challenged by a new party family: the radical right. In terms of how mainstream parties respond to this challenge, Sweden has been a puzzling case both in a comparative European perspective and in light of established theories of party competition. Rather than co-opting the restrictive immigration policies of the radical right party the Sweden Democrats, the Swedish mainstream parties jointly converged on liberal policies. In addition, rather than being included as a coalition partner or support party to the government, the Sweden Democrats have been excluded from government formation despite a pivotal position between the established left and right blocs in the parliament. In order to explain these puzzling outcomes, this dissertation combines two bodies of scholarly literature that have tended not to communicate much: coalition theory and research on mainstream party reactions to the radical right. It uses a multi-method research design to analyse party behaviour at both the local and the national level, and in both the electoral and the parliamentary arena. In doing so, it identifies aspects of established theories and concepts in need of refinement. The dissertation argues that despite the apparently puzzling nature of the Swedish case, the isolation of the Sweden Democrats can be explained in terms of the strategic pursuit of policy, office, and votes.The key to the strategic explanation lies in considering three things: first, that different kinds of party strategies interact, within and across arenas; second, that the choice of strategy is constrained, between different levels of a party and over time; and third, that we need to reconsider how some commonly used concepts – such as anti-pacts, winning coalitions, and policy dimensions – are operationalised. Rather than relying on the idea of qualitatively different ‘pariah’ or ‘anti-system’ parties, the findings of this thesis show how the isolation of a radical right party can be explained in terms of the strategic incentives of rival parties. The results also show that the transition from isolation to cooperation can, under certain conditions, be a rapid process. The dissertation is a contribution to research on coalition formation, spatial party competition, and mainstream party reactions to the radical right.
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| 7. |
- Backlund, Anders, et al.
(författare)
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Populist Radical Right Party-Voter Policy Representation in Western Europe
- 2019
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Ingår i: Representation. - : Routledge. - 0034-4893 .- 1749-4001. ; 55:4, s. 393-413
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this study we assess policy representation by populist radical right (PRR) parties in ten West European countries. Going beyond aggregate left-right or socio-cultural (GAL-TAN) dimensions of political conflict, we study representation on policy issues related to the PRR parties’ core ideological features nativism, populism, and authoritarianism. Analysing data from party expert and voter surveys, we find that the PRR parties provide largely unique policy positions that are congruent with their voters’ preferences in terms of their opposition to immigration and the European Union. By contrast, the parties are less representative in terms of their value conservative and authoritarian positions on gay rights and civil liberties. The findings have relevance for our understanding of party strategy, voter behaviour, and the dimensionality of political competition.
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
- Bergqvist, Christina, et al.
(författare)
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Adaption or diffusion of the Swedish gender model?
- 2000
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Ingår i: Gendered policies in Europe. - Basingstoke : Macmillan. - 0333739825 - 0312229232 ; , s. 160-179
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 10. |
- Bolin, Niklas, 1977-, et al.
(författare)
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Attracting tomorrow's leaders : Who joins political youth organisations for material reasons?
- 2023
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Ingår i: Party Politics. - : Sage Publications. - 1354-0688 .- 1460-3683. ; 29:3, s. 527-539
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This study compares members of political youth organisations and explains variations in material incentives for enrolment using both organisation-level and individual-level factors. Empirically, it is based on a web survey of about 3,000 members of eight Swedish youth organisations. The analysis shows that young people have a complex combination of concerns, with the main dividing line being whether or not material incentives are important. At the organisational level, the prevalence of material incentives among members is positively related to the size of the mother party and whether it has government experience. Further, we find a positive association between material incentives and economic dependence on the part of the youth organisation on its mother party. At the individual level, we find that members who see the main role of the youth organisation as being to provide support for the mother party and for those politically aligned with it are more likely to have material motives for their enrolment.
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