| 1. |
- Abdelzadeh, Ali, 1981-, et al.
(författare)
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En arena för tillit och tolerans?
- 2016
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Ingår i: Föreningen, jaget och laget. - Stockholm : Centrum för idrottsforskning. - 9789198183375 ; , s. 27-46
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Bokkapitel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 2. |
- Gourdon, Mathias, 1980, et al.
(författare)
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Pulp mill biorefineries
- 2013
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Ingår i: International Process Integration Jubilee Conference, Gothenburg, Sweden, March 18-20 2013.
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 3. |
- Hysing, Erik, 1977-, et al.
(författare)
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Making governance networks more democratic : lessons from the Swedish governmental commissions
- 2016
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Ingår i: Critical Policy Studies. - : Routledge. - 1946-0171 .- 1946-018X. ; 10:1, s. 21-38
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Governance networks (GNs) are theorized as institutions for state–civil society interaction with important merits as well as shortcomings for effective and democratic governance. Here we compare GNs with a far less researched type of state–civil society interaction, the Swedish governmental commission (GC), critically discussing them in terms of organizational and functional features, the role of the state and democratic anchorage. Drawing on lessons from the institutional design of GCs, we contest the notion that well-functioning GNs require a low level of formal institutionalization and discuss how democratic problems with GNs could be addressed through a formal institutional framework that provides pre-established and generally applied ground rules, ensures elected politicians the final say on policy, and values broad participation and consultation. Recognizing that GNs are not a self-evident form for state–civil society interactions, traditional institutional designs should be more fully considered in the discussion and theorization of the democratic anchorage of GNs.
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| 4. |
- Kjölstad, Henrik, 1980-
(författare)
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A European Declaration of Fascism? : En analys av Anders Behring Breiviks manifest 2083
- 2020
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Licentiatavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The terror attacks in Oslo, July 22, 2011, executed by Anders Behring Breivik, showed the deadliest outbreak of political violence in Norway since World War II. After the subsequent apprehension of Breivik, discussions about his ideological positioning soon emerged. While Breivik was initially described as an Islamophobic, right wing-extremist, a few expert witnesses and scholars labeled him and his manifesto 2083: A Declaration of European Independence as fascist. Some analysts disagreed with such a categorization and argued that Breivik's views had little to do with fascism. Other commentators and academics partly agreed with the fascist label but added that Breivik's ideology differed from classical fascism in several ways. The aim of this research is to examine whether the manifesto 2083 can be classified as fascist according to various established definitions and ideal types of fascism. In particular, this research draws on the theories, definitions, and ideal types of fascism of established scholars Roger Griffin, Stanley G. Payne, and Emilio Gentile to inform a content analysis of 2083.The study's relevance concerns the ideology of and behind certain violent political activism, and if fascism is undergoing a transformation which urges updates of established definitions of the phenomenon. 2083 is treated as an outlier or deviant case of fascism.This research finds that 2083 does fulfill several fascist criteria, and even concepts central to the ideal types. However, the results are at times ambiguous and open to further interpretation. Fascist concepts such as national rebirth, a glorification of violence, and religiously tinged activism are expressed in the manifesto, but crucial details regarding them remain unexplored or unspecified. 2083's violent strategies for achieving desired societal change have striking similarities with certain contemporary race radicalism; while descriptions of societal condition and utopian goals share certain fascism characteristics, but also resemble late 19th Century German revolutionary conservatism or proto-fascism. Thus, one might rather see 2083 as hybrid form of different, already existing, fascist ideological traits rather than a “new” form of fascism.
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| 5. |
- Lundberg, Erik, 1980-
(författare)
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A pluralist state? : civil society organizations’ access to the Swedish policy process 1964-2009
- 2014
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Including civil society organizations in the policy process is a distinctive trait of democratic governance. But, while being highly valuable from a democratic point of view, not all civil society organizations are represented in the policy process. This dissertation draws attention to the role of the government in shaping the representation of civil society organizations in the Swedish government consultation referred to as the ‘remiss procedure’. The overall aim is to increase empirical and theoretical understanding of civil society organizations’ access to the national Swedish policy process. Drawing on various empirical data sources, it analyzes how access has changed during the second half of the 20th century, the factors influencing access, and the significance of the access provided by the government.The results are based on four empirical studies, and show that the government has encouraged an increasing number and more diverse types of civil society organizations to be represented in the remiss procedure. In addition, organizations with plenty of resources, such as labor and business organizations, are not overrepresented. However, access is slightly skewed in favor of civil society organizations with an insider position within other access points at national government level, which is consistent with a privileged pluralistic pattern of interest representation. In addition, civil society organizations seem to be invited into an arena for political influence of less relevance. Theoretically, the dissertation moves beyond the neo-corporatist perspective that dominated Swedish research during the second half of the 20th century by drawing attention to five different theoretical lenses: pluralism, neo-corporatism, political opportunity structures, policy network theory, and resource exchange theory. It concludes that a variety of theories are needed for access to be understood.
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| 6. |
- Abdelzadeh, Ali, 1981-, et al.
(författare)
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Det demokratiska utanförskapets geografi
- 2022
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Ingår i: Demokratin och delaktigheten. - Stockholm : Kommittén demokratin 100 år. ; , s. 34-60
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 7. |
- Abdelzadeh, Ali, 1981-, et al.
(författare)
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Ungas röst : En studie om ungdomars valdeltagande 2018 och deras egna tankar om att delta i val
- 2022
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Valdeltagandet är högt bland unga och följer ganska väl befolkningen i stort. Det finns dock en oroväckande klyfta i samhället, alla unga upplever inte att de har lika möjligheter att göra sin röst hörd. Unga med sämre socioekonomiska förutsättningar deltar i lägre utsträckning i val. Under samtal med unga träder också en allvarlig bild fram av att unga inte upplever att samhället finns till för dem eller att politiska företrädare inte lyssnar. De känner sig inte inkluderade.Den här rapporten visar att det spelar roll var unga växer upp och bor. Ungas socioekonomiska förutsättningar är tätt sammankopplade med valdeltagande. Det finns betydande skillnader i valdeltagande mellan olika områden i kommunerna i hela landet. Det visar att skillnader i social jämlikhet riskerar att leda till politisk ojämlikhet. De geografiska skillnaderna i valdeltagande pekar på att det finns behov av insatser som utjämnar skillnader i uppväxt- och levnadsvillkor. Alla unga ska ges likvärdiga förutsättningar, det ska inte spela någon roll var de bor.
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
- Borgmästars, Emmy, et al.
(författare)
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Circulating tissue polypeptide-specific antigen in pre-diagnostic pancreatic cancer samples
- 2021
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Ingår i: Cancers. - : MDPI. - 2072-6694. ; 13:21
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Early detection of pancreatic ductal adenocarcinoma (PDAC) is challenging, and late diagnosis partly explains the low 5-year survival. Novel and sensitive biomarkers are needed to enable early PDAC detection and improve patient outcomes. Tissue polypeptide specific antigen (TPS) has been studied as a biomarker in PDAC diagnostics, and it has previously been shown to reflect clinical status better than the ‘golden standard’ biomarker carbohydrate antigen 19-9 (CA 19-9) that is most widely used in the clinical setting. In this cross-sectional case-control study using pre-diagnostic plasma samples, we aim to evaluate the potential of TPS as a biomarker for early PDAC detection. Furthermore, in a subset of individuals with multiple samples available at different time points before diagnosis, a longitudinal analysis was used. We assessed plasma TPS levels using enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA) in 267 pre-diagnostic PDAC plasma samples taken up to 18.8 years before clinical PDAC diagnosis and in 320 matched healthy controls. TPS levels were also assessed in 25 samples at PDAC diagnosis. Circulating TPS levels were low both in pre-diagnostic samples of future PDAC patients and in healthy controls, whereas TPS levels at PDAC diagnosis were significantly increased (odds ratio 1.03; 95% confidence interval: 1.01–1.05) in a logistic regression model adjusted for age. In conclusion, TPS levels increase late in PDAC progression and hold no potential as a biomarker for early detection.
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| 10. |
- Dahlström, Carl, 1972, et al.
(författare)
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Conflict-resolvers or tools of electoral struggle? Swedish commissions of inquiry 1990-2016
- 2020
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Many countries face growing challenges of democratic governance from political polarizationand the increasingly complex nature of policy problems. The question is then how can governments build consensus and confer legitimacy on policy proposals in an environment where negotiating agreement among competing interests is increasingly difficult? In the past, many governments have dealt with these types of challenges by appointing ad hoc, independent commissions of experts and stakeholders from both sides of the political aisle to provide independent policy advice and to serve as an arena for political negotiation. Such commissions have been especially prevalent in Sweden, known for its rational and consensus-oriented policy making process. Drawing on a unique database, we investigate whether Swedish commissions can still fulfill their role as the cornerstone of the Swedish policymak-ing process. We analyze commissions with regard to their membership, political independence, and resources. We find that broadly representative commissions with policy stakeholders and parliamen-tary politicians, which havehistorically constituted about 50 percent of Swedish commissions of in-quiry, are now only a small fraction of commissions. The government is also exerting more control over commission outcomes by giving a greater number of directives. However, commission resources have stayed about the same, and commission do not appear to be used as a tactical electoral tool.
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