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Träfflista för sökning "WFRF:(Melander Erik 1969 ) "

Sökning: WFRF:(Melander Erik 1969 )

  • Resultat 1-10 av 76
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1.
  • Allansson, Marie, et al. (författare)
  • Organized violence, 1989-2016
  • 2017
  • Ingår i: Journal of Peace Research. - : SAGE Publications. - 0022-3433 .- 1460-3578. ; 54:4, s. 574-587
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The dramatic increase in the number of fatalities in organized violence, seen between 2011 and 2014, did not continue in 2015 and 2016. Rather, the notation of some 131,000 fatalities in 2014 was followed by a steep decline, with just below 119,000 in 2015 and a little over 102,000 fatalities in 2016. Despite the decrease, the number was the fifth highest during the entire 1989-2016 period. Most of the fatalities - over 87,000 - were incurred in state-based conflicts, the main driver behind the trend. Just as the number of fatalities, the number of state-based conflicts, albeit remaining on a high level, continued to decrease in 2016, going from 52 to 49, with 12 of them reaching the level of war, with at least 1,000 battle-related deaths. Also the non-state conflicts dropped in number in 2016, from 73 to 60. This was followed by a decrease in the number of fatalities, and only one conflict caused more than 1,000 deaths. Twenty-one actors were registered in one-sided violence, down by five from 2015. A number this low has only been recorded twice before; in both 2009 and 2010, 21 one-sided actors were listed in UCDP data. The number of fatalities also decreased, going from almost 9,800 to a little over 6,000.
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2.
  • Amer, Ramses, et al. (författare)
  • Major Armed Conflicts
  • 1993
  • Ingår i: SIPRI Yearbook 1993: World Armaments and Disarament. - : Oxford University Press: Oxford.
  • Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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3.
  • Axell, Karin, et al. (författare)
  • Major armed conflicts, 1993 (Appendix)
  • 1994
  • Ingår i: SIPRI Yearbook 1994. - : Oxford University Press: Oxford. ; , s. 86-96
  • Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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4.
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5.
  • Bjarnegård, Elin, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Armed Violence and Patriarchal Values : A Survey of Young Men in Thailand and Their Military Experiences
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: American Political Science Review. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0003-0554 .- 1537-5943. ; 117:2, s. 439-453
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • What is the relationship between armed violence and patriarchal values? This question is addressed with the help of a survey of young men in the conflict-affected southern provinces of Thailand. In Study 1 we find that men with more patriarchal values are more prone to volunteer for paramilitary service. Study 2 uses a natural experiment made possible by the conscription lottery in Thailand to compare survey responses of men who were involuntarily enlisted to do Military Conscription Service (treatment group) with the responses of men who participated in the lottery but were not enlisted (control group). We find no difference between the treatment and control groups in patriarchal values. We conclude that patriarchal values drive voluntary participation in armed conflict, whereas military service as a conscript in a conflict zone does not cause patriarchal values.
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6.
  • Bjarnegård, Elin, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Disentangling gender, peace and democratization : the negative effects of militarized masculinity
  • 2011
  • Ingår i: Journal of Gender Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0958-9236 .- 1465-3869. ; 20:2, s. 139-154
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article investigates, both theoretically and empirically, the relationships between democratization, gender equality and peace. We argue that there is a need to scrutinize both the level of democracy as well as the level of masculine hegemony in societies. Methodologically, we use a combination of quantitative and qualitative analyses to support our argument. We employ regression analysis to show that the relationship between the extent of democracy and the representation of women in politics appears, at first glance, to be non-existent but turns out to be a curvi-linear one. We also show that democracy can facilitate peace, but only in interaction with the level of political gender equality, so that more democratic societies are more peaceful only if there have been moves to gender equality. Our interpretation of these findings is illustrated by the contemporary politics of Thailand. Recent political violence in southern Thailand can be accounted for in the context of it being only partly democratized, where a culture of militarized masculinity persists alongside with, and even within, democratic institutions. Such a culture makes it both difficult for women to enter the political sphere, despite democratic elections, and fosters political violence.
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7.
  • Bjarnegård, Elin, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Gender and Conflict in East Asia
  • 2017
  • Ingår i: Routledge Handbook of Asia in World Politics. - New York, NY : Routledge. - 9781138927131 - 9781315682808 ; , s. 216-226
  • Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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8.
  • Bjarnegård, Elin, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Honor and Political Violence : Micro-level findings from a Survey in Thailand
  • 2017
  • Ingår i: Journal of Peace Research. - : SAGE Publications. - 0022-3433 .- 1460-3578. ; 54:6, s. 748-761
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Who participates in political violence? In this study, we investigate the issue at the micro-level, comparing individuals who have used violence in political uprising with those who have not. We develop our argument from the observation that men are strongly overrepresented in political violence, although most men do not participate. Literature on masculinities emphasizes the role of honor and its links to different forms of violence, such as domestic abuse, criminal violence, and violent attitudes. Building on this literature, we discern two separate but related aspects of honor: honor as male societal privilege and control over female sexuality, i.e., patriarchal values, and honor as ideals of masculine toughness, i.e., the perceived necessity for men to be fierce and respond to affronts with violence or threats of violence in order to preserve status. We argue that patriarchal values combined with ideals of masculine toughness together constitute honor ideology, which contributes in turn to the explanation of who participates in political violence. We present new and unique individual-level survey data on these issues, collected in Thailand. We find that honor ideology strongly and robustly predicts a higher likelihood of participating in political violence among male political activists. A number of previous studies find a macro-level relationship between gender equality and peacefulness in a society. This study provides evidence for one micro-level mechanism linking gender equality and political violence at the macro-level. Based on these results, we conclude that honor ideology endorsement is a driver of violence in political conflicts.
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9.
  • Bjarnegård, Elin, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Violent Boyhoods, Masculine Honor Ideology, and Political Violence : Survey Findings From Thailand
  • 2021
  • Ingår i: Journal of Interpersonal Violence. - : Sage Publications. - 0886-2605 .- 1552-6518. ; 36:15-16, s. 7136-7160
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Throughout history, those who have participated in political violence have predominantly been male young adults. At the same time, we know that most young men will not use violence for political protest. So what distinguishes those who do from those who do not? In this article, we link psychological research on the intergenerational effects of violence in the family to violence in the political arena. We ask to what extent experiences of violence as a child are associated with participation in political violence as an adult. Our overarching argument is that family-of-origin violence may not only have serious negative, intergenerational effects on health and well-being but also on future spirals of violence for the individual. Family-of-origin violence may also lead to an increased risk of using violence for political purposes due to the diffusion of violence norms, whereby violence is seen as a just and appropriate response to conflict. We test this claim using micro-level data from the Survey on Gender, Politics, and Violence in Thailand, conducted in 2012-2013. For our analyses, we zoom in on men from a specific cluster sample of the survey: 200 political activist interviewees—100 Red Shirts and 100 Yellow Shirts. The results support our claim. We find that experiences of family violence as a child increase the risk of participating in political violence as an adult among male political activists in Thailand. Our study suggests one imperative policy implication: Violence prevention measures at the individual level—against corporal punishment of children or violence against women—may have critical implications also for decreasing the risk for and prevalence of political violence and armed conflict in society.
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10.
  • Bjarnegård, Elin, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Women, Peace and Security : The Sexism and Violence Nexus
  • 2020
  • Rapport (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
    • This research brief is part of a series, initiated in connection to the 20th anniversary of UNSCR 1325 and promotes the realization of the Women, Peace and Security agenda through evidence-based policy and practice. It is the result of a collaboration between the Folke Bernadotte Academy (FBA), the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), and UN Women.The research presented in this brief shows that there is a need to focus our attention on sexist attitudes as well as on discriminatory gender norms. Individuals with hostile attitudes towards women, and towards gender equality in general, are not just more prone to violent extremist views and to intolerance towards other nationalities and religious groups; they are also more likely to actually support violent groups and to participate in political violence.These results demonstrate that a gender perspective is sorely needed in order to better understand the dynamics of political violence and extremism.
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Melander, Erik, 1969 ... (76)
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