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Sökning: WFRF:(Naurin Elin)

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  • Naurin, Daniel, 1970, et al. (författare)
  • Gender Stereotyping and Chivalry in International Negotiations: A Survey Experiment in the Council of the European Union
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: International Organization. - 0020-8183 .- 1531-5088. ; 73:2, s. 469-488
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Gender stereotypes—stylized expectations of individuals’ traits and capabilities based on their gender—may affect the behavior of diplomats and the processes of international negotiations. In a survey experiment in the Council of the European Union, we find that female representatives behaving stereotypically weak and vulnerable may trigger a chivalry reaction among male representatives, increasing the likelihood that the men will agree to support a bargaining proposal from the women. The effect is conditional on the negotiators’ cultural background—the chivalry reaction is displayed mainly by diplomats from countries with relatively low levels of gender equality. Our study contributes to the research on nonstandard behavior in international relations, and in particular the expression and reception of emotions in diplomacy. We argue that gender stereotypes may have a moderating impact on decision making based on such intuitive cognitive processes. We also add to the broader negotiation literature, both by showing the pervasiveness of gender stereotyping, and by testing at the elite level the generalizability of claims regarding gender effects derived from laboratory experiments. Overall, our findings demonstrate the importance of bringing gender into the study of international negotiations, where it has been largely and surprisingly ignored.
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  • Bachleda, Sarah, et al. (författare)
  • Individual-level differences in negativity biases in news selection
  • 2020
  • Ingår i: Personality and Individual Differences. - : Elsevier BV. - 0191-8869. ; 155
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • © 2019 Elsevier Ltd Literatures across the social sciences highlight the tendency for humans to be more attentive to negative information than to positive information. We focus here on negativity biases in news selection (NBNS) and suggest that this bias varies across individuals and contexts. We introduce a survey-based measure of NBNS which is used to explore the correlates of negative news bias in surveys in the U.S., Canada, and Sweden. We find that some respondents are more prone to NBNS than others. There is evidence of contextual effects, but panel data suggests that some of the individual-level differences persist over time. NBNS likely reflects some combination of long-term personality differences and short-term situational factors, and is systematically related to a number of economic and political attitudes.
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  • Bhatti, Yosef, et al. (författare)
  • Can you deliver a baby and vote? The effect of the first stages of parenthood on voter turnout
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1745-7289 .- 1745-7297. ; 29:1, s. 61-81
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Becoming a parent is a profound change in one’s life that likely has consequences for political mobilization. This paper focuses on the earliest stages of parenthood, which have rarely been theorized nor empirically investigated. Close to childbirth, there may be substantial demobilizing effects due to hospital stays, immediate childcare responsibilities, parenting distress and the physical burden of pregnancy and childbirth. It is unclear how sizeable these effects are on political demobilization as well as the extent to which they are long-lasting. Based on two individual-level register datasets from Denmark and Finland, we compare the voter turnout among parents in local elections across different dates of childbirth. We find a robust negative short-term effect. We also find that the recovery periods after childbirth are differentiated by gender, illustrating a somewhat stronger demobilizing effect of early stages of motherhood compared to the early stages of fatherhood. There are also some indications that recovery periods after childbirth are slower for women with higher socioeconomic backgrounds. Our study shows that childbearing and childbirth have strong demobilizing, although mostly temporary, implications for electoral participation, even in these strong welfare states.
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  • Butler, D. M., et al. (författare)
  • Constituents Ask Female Legislators to Do More
  • 2022
  • Ingår i: Journal of Politics. - : University of Chicago Press. - 0022-3816 .- 1468-2508.
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • We test whether constituents ask women representatives to do more. In partnership with Republican and Democratic state legislators in multimember districts, we conducted a field experiment in which the politicians sent a survey to their constituents, asking about the issues they should work on. It was randomized whether citizens were contacted by their male or female representative. We find that female legislators receive 14% more issue requests per constituent they contact than male legislators. This increase in workload requests of female legislators occurs on a wide range of issues. Put simply, constituents ask female legislators to do more.
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  • Butler, Daniel M., et al. (författare)
  • Party Representatives’ Adaptation to Election Results. Dyadic Responsiveness Revisited
  • 2017
  • Ingår i: Comparative Political Studies. - : SAGE Publications. - 0010-4140 .- 1552-3829. ; 50:14, s. 1973-1997
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Politicians’ dual responsibilities to respect their party and also be responsive to their constituents is surprisingly lacking in studies of representation. How do politicians—especially those who function in strong-party systems—individually respond to their constituents’ preferences? We make use of an original, large-scale survey of politicians and the recent success of the Sweden Democrats in the elections in Sweden to show that important adaptation takes place within the party structure. Individual politicians are responsive to signals about voters’ preferences, and they act on these signals by internally lobbying their party leaders to change the party’s positions in the direction of their constituents’ preferences. These results provide a rationale for why niche parties invest in elections even if they are unlikely to enter government: Their electoral successes can cause change in other parties. The results also add a new angle to the discussion of how anti-immigration parties affect mainstream parties, a hotly debated issue in many advanced democracies.
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Naurin, Elin, 1975 (87)
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