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- Bach, Tobias, et al.
(författare)
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The role of agencies in policy-making
- 2012
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Ingår i: Policy and Society. - : Oxford University Press (OUP). - 1449-4035 .- 1839-3373. ; 31:3, s. 183-193
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- There is an extensive literature on the proliferation of agencies and the delegation of authority to such bodies across different countries. Much of this research asks whether New Public Management (NPM)-style agencification reforms have been implemented according to the original objectives, and what consequences – intended or unintended – the reforms have produced. Yet much of this research lacks an explicit link to the literature on the policymaking functions of public bureaucracies and their interactions with elected politicians. What are the consequences of agencification for the policy process at large? What policy relevant tasks do agencies perform, to what extent are they involved in policy-making, and what factors influence the quality and quantity of their participation? This introductory article gives an overview of key concepts such as “public agencies” and “policy autonomy” and the research literature. Moreover, it critically discusses relevant theoretical perspectives, outlines the articles included in this themed issue and argues for a more systematic and theoretically guided analysis of agencies’ role in policy-making.
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3. |
- Christiansen, P. M., et al.
(författare)
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Does politics crowd out professional competence? The organisation of ministerial advice in Denmark and Sweden
- 2016
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Ingår i: West European Politics. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0140-2382 .- 1743-9655. ; 39:6, s. 1230-1250
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The use of politically appointed ministerial advisors has increased noticeably in many Western countries, but we know little about how this development has affected the civil servants recruited on merit. The article asks whether political appointees accentuate or blur the line between politics and administration. Do political appointees take over political-tactical advice and leave policy advice to the permanent civil service, or do they cause permanent civil servants to be even more influenced by political considerations? And do political appointees make it easier or more difficult for the permanent civil service to be politically responsive? A Most Similar Systems Design comparison of Denmark and Sweden allows an assessment of the effects of political appointees. It is found that a large number of political appointees decreases functional politicisation of the permanent civil service; that functional politicisation tends to crowd out tasks related to more classic policy advice; and that functional politicisation increases political responsiveness.
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- Dahlström, Carl, 1972, et al.
(författare)
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The Politics of Politicization in Sweden
- 2013
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Ingår i: Public Administration. - : Wiley. - 0033-3298 .- 1467-9299. ; 91:4, s. 891-907
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)
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6. |
- Djerf-Pierre, Monika, 1961, et al.
(författare)
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Vem vill ha jämställdhet?
- 2002
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Ingår i: Det våras för politiken. Trettitvå artiklar om politik, medier och samhälle. - Göteborg : University of Gothenburg. - 9197367095 ; , s. 317-329
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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8. |
- Johansson, Folke, 1943, et al.
(författare)
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G-FORS Governance for Sustainability: National Report Sweden
- 2008
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Ingår i: http://www.gfors.eu/58.0.html.
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Summary: the SEA Case The Swedish SEA case is a study of the implementation of the EU-directive 2001/42/EC in Göteborg. The study is focusing on Göteborg municipality’s strategic environmental assessment (SEA) of its comprehensive land use plan, ÖPXX. There are several reasons why this particular case is suitable as a part of the GFORS-project. First, the SEA in Göteborg is not finished, but is still under development. This facilitates the collection of empirical data regarding reflexive knowledge, since reflexive knowledge is a fleeting phenomenon that does not usually last over an extended period of time. The case is also suitable because it may be considered a critical case. The study employs process-tracing and builds on a number of different methodological approaches: document studies, interviews, and participating observation of relevant meetings. This combination of methods allows for an analysis of the governance mode and the degree to which reflexive knowledge has been generated throughout the process. The results indicate that the Swedish SEA is developed mainly through a hierarchical governance mode, even though there are elements of networks and markets. There are signs of reflexive knowledge occurring, in the work process as well as in the SEA document. The accumulation of reflexive knowledge does not seem to be correlated with any specific governance mode, however. To conclude, it is quite possible that the Swedish SEA promotes a sustainable development; it is largely comprehensive, well aggregated, and consistent. Also, there have not been any major legitimacy problems during the SEA process. G-FORS National Reports: Sweden Summary: The Particulate Matter Case The Air Quality Framework Directive from 1996 and the following updates has been implemented into the Swedish Environmental Code (SFS 1998:808) as well as the Environmental Quality Norms, EQN (prop. 2000/01:130 and prop. 2004/05:150) and the ordinance on Environmental Quality Norms on Outdoor Air (SFS 2001:527). The areas most affected by PM10 emissions are the three largest cities Stockholm, Gothenburg and Malmö (in the order of size), and the efforts to control the PM matters have primarily been centered around the establishment around a Measurement Program in order to control and reduce the emissions. As Stockholm was experimenting with a new system with car-congestion fees in 2006, we decided that it would be unwise to select this case for a closer study, as the Stockholm case was too interwoven into governmental bargaining politics, and regional future planning politics. Malmö was also less suitable for selection, as a great deal of its emissions originates from long-distance emissions. Gothenburg was more of an ideal-case, according to the national judicial description of the problem as well as the solutions. PM10 levels started to be measured in Gothenburg at the early 1990s, and soon it was realized that several places exceeded the EQNs. The National Environmental Protection Agency, SEPA, decided that a Measurement Program should be produced by the municipality of Göteborg. Such a program was deliberated and handed into the SEPA by June 2003, but it was rejected as several of the measures were not within the municipal mandate (such as a ban on studded tires and car-tolls). In 2006, the government demanded a new version of the Measurement Program, which finally was settled in May 2006. The action arenas are of a hierarchical multi-level character, where the Government acts through a) the Ministry of Environment, b) the SEPA, and c) the County Administration of Västra Götaland. The local level acts primarily through the municipality of Gothenburg, but in close collaboration with the neighboring municipalities and the County Administration. The actors involved have primarily been bureaucrats at various levels, and politicians to a lesser extent. Representatives for voluntary organizations have been close to totally absent, a few consultants have participated in the process, but primarily as deliverers of data rather than as policy makers. Even when the media discusses the PM emissions, they rather echo the decisions taken by the administrative authorities, rather than echoing any opinion movement. Knowledge does anyhow feed into the process through the bureaucrats at all levels; they pay attention to various types of reports produced in other municipalities as well as by national and international researchers.
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9. |
- Kreft, A. K., et al.
(författare)
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Do gender patterns in diplomacy disappear over time?
- 2022
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Ingår i: European Journal of Politics and Gender. - 2515-1088. ; 5:3, s. 279-302
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Existing scholarship points to gender patterns in diplomacy. This study examines such gender patterns in new ways, expecting women to be less likely to be ambassadors in states with more economic clout and in conflict-affected states, but more likely to serve as ambassadors in more gender-equal states. Most importantly, we examine whether these gender differences diminish over time. New data on ambassador appointments for Denmark, Sweden, the UK and the US spanning the period 1970–2015 reveal that whereas there are no gender differences with respect to postings to gender-equal states or states with domestic conflict, women are indeed less likely to be ambassadors in economically significant states and in states in inter-state conflict. Crucially, these patterns are not diminishing over time. This study opens up for future investigation into underlying mechanisms that explain the persistence of some gender patterns and the absence of others. © European Conference on Politics and Gender and Bristol University Press 2022.
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10. |
- Ludt, Charlotte, et al.
(författare)
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Speaking the Unspeakable: Disclosures of Sexual and Gender-based Violence in Asylum Credibility Assessments
- 2022
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Ingår i: Nordic Journal of Human Rights. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1891-8131 .- 1891-814X. ; 40:3, s. 441-460
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article explores the extent to which the human rights framework relating to sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) is upheld in the Norwegian asylum system, by investigating if and how asylum bureaucrats enable the disclosure of SGBV and how such disclosure may impact the assessment of applicants’ credibility. Credibility assessment is important in deciding who is eligible for protection. Eliciting disclosures of SGBV in general is notoriously difficult, and SGBV allegations are often disbelieved. It is also well known that credibility assessment in the asylum system involves working with ambiguity and challenges, but this has rarely been explored with a particular focus on SGBV. Through an analysis of public case summaries and 18 semi-structured interviews with asylum caseworkers and key actors, drawing on Lipsky’s theory of street-level bureaucrats, we conclude that caseworkers’ use of coping mechanisms makes them reluctant to enable, or engage with, disclosures of SGBV, and that this may endanger human rights.
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